JOHN D. LEE SHOT IN UTAH.
HE MAKES A CONFESSION.
MEN HIGH IN THE CHURCH, HE SAYS, COUNSELED
AND DIRECTED THE MASSACRE—LEE AN UNWIL-
LING PARTICIPANT—AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY—WHAT
IT WILL REVEAL.
Through the courtesy of The Sacramento Record-Union, THE TRIBUNE is enabled to lay before its readers this morning a full and genuine copy of the confession of John D. Lee, who was shot at Moun-tain Meadows yesterday for the massacre which was committed there nearly 20 years ago. This is the only complete and true statement that has ever been published; all others were fragmentary, and in many respects incorrect. Lee places the responsi-bility for the crime upon men who held very import-ant places in the Mormon Church, one of them be-ing the first counselor of Brigham Young. They met together, he says, and after, holding re-ligious services resolved upon the treacher-ous decoy by which the emigrants were led to the scene of their death. He claims that he opposed the leaders, and even on the field of the massacre saved the lives of several children and tried to save others. He made a true report of the work to Brigham Young, who, after communing with God, replied that he was satisfied no innocent blood had been shed, and expressed only one fear that of some one proving a traitor. The idea of blood atonement is made to appear as the motive, and the emigrants are pictured as a lawless and in-sulting people who had forfeited their lives. Men-tion is made of an autobiography which, if pub-lished, Lee says will furnish information sufficient to "bring many down from their high places in the Church to face offended justice upon the gallows." "So mote it be," he concludes.
THE EXECUTION.
SALT LAKE CITY, Utah, March 23.—At 11 a. m. precisely Lee was was brought out upon the scene of the massacre at Mountain Meadows before the executing party and seated on his coffin about 20 feet from the executioners. After Marshal Nelson had con-cluded reading the order of the court at 10:34 a. m., he asked Lee if he had anything to say before its execution was carried into effect. Lee said, “I wish to" speak to that man, pointing to Mr. Fenne-rnore, who was fixing his canvas near, to take Lee's photograph preceding the shooting. Lee then called to the artist, who replied, "In a second, Mr. Lee." When Mr. Fennemore signified his readiness to listen, Lee said: "I want to ask a favor of you. I want you to furnish each of my three wives a copy of the photograph (meaning the one being taken); a copy to Rachel A., Sa-rah C., and Emma B." Mr. Howard responded for the artist. "He says he will do it, Mr. Lee." Lee carefully repeated the names over again, saying, "Please forward them." He then arose and said: "I have but little to say this morning. Of course I feel that I am upon the brink of eternity, and the solemnity of eter-nity should rest upon my mind at the present. I have made out, or endeavored to do so, a manuscript and an abridged history of my life. This will be pub-lished. Sir, I have given my views and feelings with regard to all these things. I feel resigned to my fate. I feel as calm as a Summer morning. I have done nothing adversely wrong. My conscience is clear before God and man, and I am ready to meet my Redeemer. This it is that places me upon this field. I am not an infidel. I have not denied God or His mercy. I am a strong be-liever in these things. The most I regret is parting with my family. Many of them are unprotected and will be left fatherless. When I speak of those little ones they touch a tender chord within me."
Here Lee's voice faltered perceptibly. He continued : "I have done nothing designedly wrong in this affair; I used my utmost endeavors to save these people. I would have given worlds, were they at my command, to have avoided that calamity; but I could not. I am sacrificed to satisfy feelings, and am used to gratify parties, but I am ready to die; I have no fear of death ; it has no ter-rors for me, and no particle of mercy have I asked for from court or officials to spare my life. I do not fear death; I shall never go to a worse place than the one I am now in ; I have said it to my family, and I will say it to-day., that the Government of the United States sacrifices their best friend and that is saying a- great deal, but it is true. I am a true believer in the Gospel of Jesus Christ. I do not believe everything that is now practiced and taught by Brigham Young.; I do not agree with him I believe he is leading people astray. But I believe in the Gospel as taught in its purity by Joseph Smith in former days. I have my reasons tor saying this. I used to make this man's will my pleasure, and did so for 30 years. See how and what I have come to this day! I have been sacrificed in a cowardly, dastardly manner. There are thousands of people in the Church—honorable, good-hearted—whom I cherish in my heart. I regret to leave my family. They are near and dear to me. These are things to rouse my sympathy. I declare I did nothing designedly wrong in this unfortunate affair. I did every-thing in my power to save all emigrants, but I am the one that must suffer. Having said this, I feel resigned. I ask the Lord my God to extend His mercy to me and receive my spirit; my labors are here done."
After the speech the Rev. Mr. Stokes, a Methodist preacher, made a prayer commending the soul of the condemned man to God. Immediately after this a hand-kerchief was placed over Lee's eyes. He raised his hands, and placed them on top of his head, sitting firmly. Marshal Nelson gave the word "Fire," and five guns were fired, the balls penetrating his body in the region of the heart. Lee fell squarely back upon his coffin, dead. Death was instantaneous. The body was placed in the coffin and the crowd dispersed. There were about 75 persons all told on the ground. Not a child or a relative was there. The best order prevailed. Lee's last words to Marshal Nelson were, "Aim at my heart." The body is now on its way from the scene of the execu-tion to be delivered to relatives at Cedar City.
THE CONFESSION.
SALT LAKE CITY, March 23.—The following is a literal copy of the genuine confession of John D. Lee, no part, of which has hitherto been published, al-though some of the general statements of fact have been long known by unauthoritative tradition. This paper was penned by Lee since his second trial and since his sentence to death. It was written by him without aid or advice, and is given herewith without alteration or erasure. Where any interpolation is made it is dis-tinctly marked. The document was received under close seal from the hand of United States District-Attorney Howard, who in turn received it from the hand of John D. Lee, then in the Penitentiary at Salt Lake City, in the month of February, 1877, and is certified by Mr. Howard as the identical statement written by Lee. Mr. Howard has hitherto withheld it from publication, but now that the prisoner has not escaped the penalty of the law per-mits it to be given to the public, as no end of justice will now be defeated by its publication:
The statement of John D. Lee of the facts connected with the Mountain Meadows Massacre :
In the month of September, 1857, the company of emigrants known as "The Arkansas Company," arrived in Parowan, Iron County, Utah, on their way to Cali-fornia. At Parowan, young Aden, one of the company, flaw and recognized one William Laney, a Mormon resi-dent of Parowan. Aden and his father had rescued Laney from an anti-Mormon mob in Tennessee several years before and saved his life. He (Laney) at the time he was attacked by the mob was a Mormon missionary in Tennessee. Laney was glad to see his friend and benefactor, and invited him to his house and gave him some garden sauce to take back to the camp with him. The same evening it was reported to Bishop (Colonel) Dame that Laney had given potatoes and onions to the man Aden, one of the emigrants. When the report was made to Bishop Dame he raised his hand and crooked his little finger in a a significant manner to one Barney Carter, his brother-in-law, and one of the "Angels of Death." Carter without another word walked out, went to Laney's house with a long picket in his hand, called Laney out, and struck him a heavy blow on the head, fracturing his skull, and left him on the ground for dead. C. Y. Webb and Isaac Newman, President of the "High Council," both told me they saw Dame's maneuvers. James McGuffee, then a resident of Parowan—but through oppression has been forced to leave there, and is now a merchant in Pahranagat Valley, near Pioche, Nevada—knows these facts.
ORIGIN OF THE MASSACRE.
About the last of August, 1857, some ten days before the Mountain Meadows massacre, the company of emi-grants passed through Cedar City. George A. Smith, then first counselor in the church, and Brigham Young's right-hand man, came down to Salt Lake City, preaching to the different settlements. I at that time was in Wash-ington County, near where St. George now stands. He sent for me. I went to him, and he asked me to take him to Cedar City by way of Fort Clara and Pinto settlements, as he was on business and must visit all the settlements. We started on our way up through the canon. We saw herds of Indians, and he (George A. Smith) remarked to me that these Indians, with the advantage they had of the rocks, could use up a large company of emigrants, or make it very hot for them. After pausing for a short time ho said to me, "Brother Lee, what do you think the brethren would do if a company of emigrants should come down through here making threats? Don't you think they would pitch into them?" I replied that "they certainly would." This seemed to please him, and he again said to me, "And you really think the brethren would pitch into them?" "I certainly do," was my reply, "and you had better instruct Col. Dame and Haight to attend to it that the emigrants are permitted to pass if you want them to pass unmolested" He con-tinued : "I asked Isaac (meaning Haight) the same ques-tion, and he answered me just as you do, and I expect the boys would pitch into them." I again said to him that he had better say to Gov. Young that if he wants emigrant companies to pass without molestation he must instruct Col. Dame or Major Haight to that effect, for if they are not ordered otherwise they will use them up by the help of the In-dians. He told the people at the Clara not to sell their grain to the emigrants nor to feed it to their animals, as they might expect a big fight the next Spring with the United States. President Young did not intend to let the troops into the Territory. He said, "We are going to stand up for our rights, and will no longer be imposed upon by our enemies, and want every man to be on hand with his gun in good order and his powder dry," and in-structed the people to part with nothing that would sus-tain life. From the 1st to the 10th of September, 1857, a messenger came to me—his name was Sam Wood—and told me that President Isaac C. Haight wanted me to be at Cedar City that evening without fail.
This was Saturday. He told me that a large company of emigrants had gone south. I then lived at Harmony, 20 miles south of Cedar City. I obeyed the summons. President Haight met me. It was near sundown. We spent the night in an open house on some blankets, where we talked most all night. He told me that a company of emigrants had passed through some two days before, threatening the Mormons with destruction, and that one of them had said he had helped to kill old Joe Smith and his brother Hyrum; that other members of the company of emigrants had helped drive the Mormons out of Missouri; that others had said they had come to help Johnson's army clear the Mormons out of Utah; that they had the halters ready to hang old Brigham and Heber, and would have them strung up before the snow blew; that one of the emigrants called one of his oxen (a pair of stags) "Brig," and the other "Heber," and that several of the emigrants had used all kinds of threats and profanity. John M. Higbee, the City Mar-shal, had informed them that it was a breach of the city ordinance to use profane language, whereupon one of them replied that he did not care a d—n for the Mormon laws or the Mormons either; that they had fought their way through the Indians and would do it through the d—d Mormons, and if their God, old Brigham, and his priests would not sell their provisions, by G—d they would take what they wanted any way they could get it; that thus raging, one of them let loose his long whip and killed two chickens and threw them into his wagon; that the widow Evans said, "Gentlemen, those are my chickens, please don't kill them; I am a poor widow;" that they ordered her to "shut up," or they would blow her d—d brains out, etc.; that they had been raising trouble with all the settle-ments and Indians on their way; that we were threat-ened on the north by Johnson's army, that now our safety depended on prompt and immediate action; that a company of Indians had already gone south from Paro-wan and Cedar City to surprise the emigrants who were then at the Mountain Meadows, and ho wanted me to return home in the morning (Sunday) and send Carl Schurtz (Indian interpreter) from my home (Harmony) to raise the Indians south, at Harmony, Washington, and Santa Clara, to join the Indians from the north, and make the attack upon the emigrants at the Meadows.
HE SUGGESTS A COUNCIL.
I said to him : "Would it not be well to hold a council of the brethren before making a move ?” He replied that "every true Latter Day Saint that regarded their cov-enants knew well their duty, and that the company of emigrants had forfeited their lives by their acts," and that Bishop P. K. Smith (Klingensmith) and Joel White had already gone by way of Pinto to raise the Indians in that direction, and those that have gone from Parowan and here will make the attack, and may be repulsed. "We can't now delay for a council of the brethren. Return immediately and start Carl Schurtz ; tell him that I or-dered you to tell him to go, and I want you to try and get there before the attack is made and make the plan for the Indians, and will send Nephi Jonnson, the in-terpreter, to the Meadows as soon as he can begot, to help Carl Schurtz manage the Indians." I did just as I was ordered. The Indians from the north and about Harmony had already started for the Meadows. Be-fore I reached home Shurtz started imme-diately to do his part. I arrived at home in the night and remained till morning. I thought over the matter, and the more I thought the more my feelings revolted against such a horrid deed Sleep had fled from me. I talked to my wife Rachel about it. She felt as I did about it, and advised me to let them do their own dirty work, and said if things did not go just to suit them the blame would be laid on me. She never did believe in blood atonement, and said it was from the devil, and that she would rather break such a covenant, if she had to die for so doing, than to live and be guilty of doing such an act. I finally con-cluded that I would go ; that I would start by daybreak in the morning and try to get there before an attack was made on the company, and use my influence with the Indians to let them alone. I crossed the mountains by a trail and reached the Meadows between 9 and 10 in the morning, the distance from my place being about 25 miles. But I was too late. The attack had been made just before daybreak in the morn-ing, the Indians being repulsed with one killed and two of their chiefs from Cedar shot through the leas, breaking a leg for each of them. The Indians were in a terrible rage. I went to some of them that were in a ravine. They told me to go to the main body, or they would kill me for not coming before the attack was made. While I was standing there I received a shot just above my belt, cutting through my clothes to the skin, some six inches across. The Indians with whom I was talking lived with me at Harmony. I was Indian Farmer. They told me I was in danger and to get down into the ravine. I said thai it was impossible for me to do anything there, and 1 dare not venture to the camp or to the' emigrants without endangering my life. I mounted my horse and started south to meet Carl Schurtz. I traveled 16 miles and stopped on the Megotsy to bait my animal, as there was good grass and water. I had rode it over 40 miles without eating or drinking. This is the place where Mr. Tobin met his assassination.
About sunset I saw Shurtz and some 10 or 15 white men and about 150 Indians. We camped. During the night the Indians left for the Meadows. I reported to the men what had taken place. They attacked the emi-grants again, about sunrise the next morning, which was Tuesday, and had one of their number killed and several wounded. I, with the white men, reached the Meadows about 1 o'clock p. m. On the way we met a small baud of Indians returning with some 18 or 20 head of cattle. One of the Indians was wounded in the shoulder. They told me that the Indians were encamped east of the emi-grants at some springs. On our arrival at the springs we found about 200 Indians, among whom were the two wounded chiefs, Moqueetus and Bill. The Indians were in a high state of excitement; had kilted many cattle and horses belonging to the com-pany. I counted 60 head near their en-campment that they had killed in revenge for the wound-ing of their men. By the assistance of Oscar Hamblin (brother of Jacob Hamblin) and Shurtz we succeeded in getting the Indians to desist from killing any more stock that night. The company of emigrants had corraled all their wagons but one for better defense. This corral was about 100 yards above the springs. This they did to get away from the ravine south, the better to defend themselves. The attacks were made from the south ravine and from the rocks on the west. The attack was renewed that night by the Indians in spite of all we could do to prevent it. When the attack commenced Oscar Hamblin, William Young, and myself started to go to the Indians. When opposite the corral on the north, the bullets came around us like a shower of hail. We had two Indians' with us to pilot us; they threw themselves fiat on the ground to protect themselves from the bullets; I stood erect, and asked my Father in Heaven to protect me from the missiles of death, and enable me to reach the Indians. One ball passed through my hat and the hair of my head, and another through my shirt, grazing my arm near the shoulder. A most hideous yell of the Indians commenced. The cries and shrieks of the women and children so overcame me that I forgot my danger, and rushed through the fire to the Indians, and pleaded with them in tears to desist. I told them that the Great Spirit would be angry with them fox killing women and little children. They told me to leave, or they would serve me in the same way; that I was not their friend, but a friend of their enemies; that I was a squaw, and did not have the heart of a brave, and that I could not see Woodshed without crying like a baby, and called me cry-baby; and by that name I am known by all the Indians to this day. I owe my life on that occasion to Oscar Hamblin, who was a mis-sionary with the Indians, and had much influence with the Santa Clara Indians; they were the ones that wanted to kill me. Hamblin shamed there, and called them dogs and wolves for wanting to shed the blood of their father (myself), who had fed and clothed them.
We finally prevailed upon them to return to camp, where we would hold a council; that I would send for big captains to come and talk. We told them that they had punished the emigrants enough, and maybe they had killed nearly all of them. We told them that Bishop Dame and President Haight would come, and maybe they would give them part of the cattle and let the com-pany go with the teams. In this way we reconciled them to suspend hostilities for the present. The two that had been with Hamblin and myself the night before said they had seen two men on horseback come out of the emigrants' camp under full speed, and that they went toward Cedar City. Wednesday morning I asked a man—I think his name was Edwards—to go to Cedar City and say to President Haight for God's sake, for my sake, and for the sake of suffer-ing humanity to send out men to rescue that company. This day we all lay still waiting for orders, occasionally a few of the Indians withdrew, taking a few head of animals with them. About noon I crossed the valley north of the corral, thinking to exam-ine their location from the west range. The company recognized me as a white man, and sent two little boys about four years old to meet me. I hid from thorn, fear-ing the Indians, who discovered the children. I called the Indians, who wanted my gun or ammunition to kill them. I prevailed with them to let the children go back to camp, which they very soon did when they saw the Indians. I crept up behind some rooks on the west range, where I had a full view of the corral. In it they had dug a rifle pit. The wheels of their wagons were chained together, and the only show for the Indians was to starve them out or shoot them as they went for water. I lay there some two hours and contemplated their situ-ation and wept like a child.
When I returned to camp some six or eight men had come from Cedar City. Joel White, William C. Stewart, and Elliot C. Weldon were among the number, but they had no orders. They had come merely to see how things were. The Meadows are about 50 miles from Cedar City. Thursday afternoon the messenger from Cedar City re-turned. Ho said that President Haight had gone to Parowan to confer with Col. Dame, and a company of men and orders would be sent on to-morrow (Friday); that up to the time ho left the colonel had come to no definite conclusion.
ALL MUST BE KILLED.
During this time the Indians and men were engaged in broiling beef and making the hides up into lassoes. I had flattered myself that bloodshed was at an end, After the emigrants saw me Cross the valley they hoisted a white flag in the midst of their corral. On Friday after-noon four wagons drove up with armed men. When they saw the white flag in the corral they raised one also, but drove to the springs where we were and took refresh-ment, after which a council mooting was called of presi-dents, bishops, and other church officers and members of the High Council, societies, high priests, &c. Mayor John M. Higbee presided as chairman. Several of the John M. Higbee presided as chairman dignitaries bowed in prayer, invoked the aid of the dignitaries bowed in prayer, invoked the aid of the Holy Spirit to prepare their minds and guide them to do right and carry out the councils of their leaders. Higbee said that President I. C. Haight had been to Parowan to confer with Col. Dame, and their counsel and orders were that "tills emigrant camp must be used up." I replied, "Men, women, and children" "All," said he, "except such as are too young to tell tales, and if the Indians cannot do it without help we must help them." I commenced pleading for the company, and I said though some of them have behaved badly they have been pretty well chastised. My policy would be to draw off the Indians, let them have a portion of the loose cattle, and withdraw with them under promise that they would not molest the company any more; that the com-pany would then have teams enough left to take them to California. I told them that this course could not bring them into trouble. Higbee said, "White men have interposed, and the emigrants know it, and there lies the danger in letting them go." I said, "What white man interfered ?" He replied that in the attack on Tuesday night two men broke out of the corral and started for Cedar City on horseback; that they were met at Richey's Spring by Stewart, Joel White, and another man whose name has passed from me. Stewart asked the two men their names when they met at the Spring, and being told in reply by one of the men that his same was Aden, and that the other was a Dutch-man from the emigrants' company, Stewart shoved a pistol to Aden's breast and killed him, saying, "Take that, d—n you." The other man (the Dutchman) wheeled to leave as Joel White fired and wounded him. I asked Mm how he knew the wounded Dutchman got back to the emigrants' camp. He said because he was tracked back, and they knew he was there. I again said that it was better to deliver the man to them and let them do anything they wished with him, and tell them we did not approve such things.
Ira Allen, High Counselor, and Robert Wiley and others spoke, reproving me sharply for trying to dictate to the priesthood ; that it would set at naught all au-thority ; that he would not give the life of one of our brethren for a thousand such persons. "If we let thorn go," he continued, "they will raise h— in California, and the result will be that our wives and children will have to be butchered and ourselves too, and they are no better to die than ours, and I am surprised to hear Brother Lee talk as he does, as he has always been con-sidered one of the stanchest in the Church, now is the first to shirk from his duty." I said, "Brethren, the Lord must harden my heart before I can do such a thing." Allen said it was not wicked to obey counsel. At this juncture I withdrew—walked off some 50 paces and prostrated myself on the ground and wept in the bitter anguish of my soul, and asked the Lord to avert that evil. While in that situation Counselor C. Hopkins, a near friend of mine, came to me and said: "Brother Lee, come, get up, and don't draw off from the priesthood. You ought not to do so. You are only endangering your own life by standing out. You can't help it, if this is wrong—the blame won't rest on you." I said: "Charley, this is the worst move this people over made. I feel it." He said: "Come, go back, and let them have their way."
TREACHERY PROPOSED.
I went back weeping like a child and took my place and tried to be silent, and was until Higbee said they (the emigrants) must be decoyed out through pretended friendship. I could no longer hold my peace, and said I, "Joseph Smith said that God hated a traitor, and so do I. Before I would be a traitor I would rather take 10 men and go to that camp and tell them they must die, and now to defend themselves, and give them a show for their lives ; that would be more honorable than to betray them like Judas." Here I got other reproof and was ordered to hold my peace. The plan agreed upon there was to meet them with a flag of truce, tell them that the Indians were determined on their destruction ; that we dare not oppose the Indians, for we were at their mercy; that the best we could do for them (the emigrants) was to get them and what few traps we could take in the wagons, to lay their arms in the bottom of the wagon and cover them up with the bed clothes, and start for the settlement as soon as possible, and to trust themselves in our hands. The small children and wounded were to go with the two wagons, the women to follow the wagons and the men next, the troops to stand in readiness on the east side of the road ready to receive them. Shurtz and Nephi Johnson were to conceal the Indians in the brush and rocks till the company was strung out on the road to a certain point, and at the watchword, "Halt! do your duty!" each man was to cover his victim and fire. Johnsou and Shurtz were to rally the Indians, and rush upon and dispatch the women and larger children. It was further told the men that President Haight said that if we were united in carrying out the instructions we would all receive a "celestial reward." I said I was willing to put up with a less reward if I could be excused. "How can you do this without shedding innocent blood?" Here I got another lampooning for my stubborness and disobedience to the priesthood. I was told that there was not a drop of innocent blood in the whole company of emigrants. Also referred to the Gentile nations, who refused the children of Israel passage through their country when Moses led them out of Egypt—that the Lord held that crime against them, and when Israel waxed strong the Lord commanded Joshua to slay the whole nation, men, women, and children. "Have not these people done worse than that to us? Have they not threatened to murder our leaders and prophets, and have they not boasted of murdering our patriarchs and prophets, Jo-seph and Hyrum? Now talk about shedding innocent blood." They said I was a good, liberal, free-hearted man, but too much of this sympathy would be always in the way; that every man now had to show his colors; that it was not safe to have a Judas in camp.
Then it was proposed that every man express him-self ; that if there was a man who would not keep a close mouth they wanted to know it then. This gave me to understand what I might expect if I continued to oppose. Major Higbee said, "Brother Lee is right. Let him take an expression of the people." I knew I dare not refuse, so I had every man speak and express himself. All said they were willing to carry out the counsel of their lead-ers; that the leaders had the Spirit of God, and knew better what was right than they did. They then wanted to know my feelings. I replied, "I have already ex-pressed them." Every eye was upon me as I paused. "But," said I, "you can do as you please; I will not op-pose you any longer." "Will you keep a close mouth?” was the question. "I will try," was my answer. I will here say that the fear of offending Brigham Young and George A. Smith had saved my life. I was near being "blood-atoned " in Parowan under J. C. L. Smith in 1854, but of this I nave spoken in my autobiography.
Saturday morning all was ready, and every man as-signed to his post of duty. During the night, or rather just before daylight, Johnson and Shurtz ambushed their Indians, the better to deceive the emigrants. About 11 o'clock a. in. the troops under Major Higbee took their position on the road. The white flag was still kept up m the corral. Higbee called William Bateman out of the ranks to take a flag of truce to the corral. He was met about half way with another white flag from the emi-grants' camp. They had a talk. The emigrant was told we had come to rescue them if they would trust us. Both men with flags returned to their respective places and reported, and were to meet again and bring word. Hig-bee called me out to go and inform them the conditions, and, if accepted, Dan McFarland, brother to John Mc-Farland, lawyer, who acted as aid-de-camp, would bring back word, and then the wagons would be sent for the firearms, children, clothing, &c. I obeyed, and the terms proposed were accepted, but not without distrust.
I had as little to say as possible, in fact my tongue re-fused to perform its office. I sat down on the ground m the corral near where some young men were engaged in paying the last respects to some person who had just died of a wound. A large, fleshy old lady came to me twice and talked white I sat there. She related their troubles; said that 7 or their number were killed and 47 wounded on the first attack; that several had died since. She asked me if I was an Indian agent. I said, "In one sense I am, as Government has appointed me Farmer to the Indians." I told her this to satisfy hex. I heard afterward that the same question was asked and answered in the same manner by McFarland, who had been sent by Higbee to the corral to "hurry me up for fear that the Indians would come back and be upon them."
THE MASSACRE.
When all was ready, Samuel McMurdy, counselor to Bishop P. K. Smith (Klingensmith), drove out on the lead. His wagon had the 17 children, clothing and arms. Samuel Knight drove the other team, with five wounded men and one boy about 15 years old. I walked behind the front wagon, to direct the course, and to shun being in the heat of the slaughter, but this I kept to myself. When we got turned fairly to the east, I motioned to McMurdy to steer north, across the valley. I at the same time told the women, Who were next to the wagon, to follow the road up to the troops, which they did. Instead of saying to McMurdy not to drive so fast—as he swore at my trial—I said to the contrary, to drive on, as my aim was to get out of sight before the firing commenced, which we did. We were about half a mile ahead of the company when we heard the first firing.
We had driven ever a ridge of rolling ground and down on a low flat. The firing was simultaneous along the whole line. The moment the firing commenced McMurdy halted and tied his lines across the rod of his wagon box, stepped down cooly with a double-barreled shot-gun, walked back to Knight's wagon, who had the wounded men, and was about 20 feet in the rear. As he raised his piece he said, "Lord, my God, receive their spirts, for it is for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake that we do this," fired and killed two men. Samuel Knight had a muzzle-loading rifle, and he shot and killed the three men, then struck the wounded boy on the head, who fell dead. In the meantime I drew a live-shooter from my belt, which accidentally went off, cutting across McMurdy's buckskin pants m front, below the crotch. Mc-Murdy said, "Brother Lee, you are excited; take things cool; you was near killing me ; look where the bail cut," pointing to the place in his pants. At this moment I heard the scream of a child. I looked up and saw an Indian have a little boy by the hair of his head, dragging him out of the kind end of the wagon, with a knife in his hand, getting ready to cut his throat. I sprang for the Indian, with my revolver in hand, and shouted to the top of my voice, "Arick, ooma, cot too sooet" (stop, you fool). The child was terror-stricken. His chin was bleeding; I supposed it was the out of a knife, but after-ward learned that it was done on the wagon-box as the Indian yanked the boy down by the hair of the head. I had no sooner rescued this child than another Indian seized a little girl by the hair. I rescued her as soon as I could speak. I told the Indians that they must not hurt the children; that I would die before they should be hurt; that we would buy the children of them.
Before this time the Indians had rushed up around the wagon in quest of blood, and dispatched the two runa-way wounded men. Injustice to my statement, I would say that if my shooter had not prematurely exploded, I would have had a hand in dispatching the five wounded. I had lost control of myself, and scarce knew What I was about. I saw an Indian pursue a little girl who was flee-ing. He caught her about one hundred feet from the wagon and plunged his knife through her. I said to Mc-Murdy that he had better drive the children to Hamblin's ranch and give them some nourishment, while I would go down and get my horse at the camp. Passing along the road I saw the dead strung along the distance of about half a mile. The women and children were killed by the Indians. I saw Shurtz with the Indians and no other white man with them. When I came to the men they lay about a rod apart. Here I came up with Higbee, Bishop Smith, and the rest of the company. As I came up, Higbee said to me, "Let us search these persons for valuables," and asked me to assist him. Gave me a hat to hold. Several men were already engaged in searching the bodies. I replied that I was unwell and wanted to get upon my horse and go to the ranch and nurse myself. My request was granted.
HOW TO REPORT THE DEED.
Reaching Hamblin's ranch—being heart sick and worn out I lay down on my saddle blanket and slept, and knew but little of What passed during the night. About day-break in the morning I heard the voices of Col. Dame and Isaac C. Haight. I heard some very angry words pass between them which drew my attention. Dame said he would have to report the destruction of the emi-grant camp and company. Haight said: "How, as an Indian massacre ?" Dame said he did not know so well about that. This reply seemed to irritate Haight, who spoke quite loudly saying, "How the h—l can you report it any other way without implicating yourself ?" At this Dame lowered his voice almost to a whisper. I could not understand what he said, and the conversation stopped.
I got up, saw the children, and among the others the boy who was pulled by the hair of his head out of the wagon by the Indian, and saved by me. That boy I took home and left home until Dr. Forney, Government agent, came to gather up the children and take them East. He took the boy with the others. That boy's name was William Fancher. His father was captain of the train. He was taken East and adopted by a man in Nebraska named Richard Sloan. He remained East sev-eral years and then returned to Utah, and is now a con-vict, in the Utah Penitentiary, having been convicted the past year of the crime of highway robbery. He is now known by the name of "Idaho Bill," but his true name is William Fancher. His little sister was also taken East and is now the wife of a man working for the Union Pacific Railroad Company, near Green River. The boy (now man) has yet got the scar on his chin caused by the cut on the wagon box, and those who are curious enough to examine will find a large scar on the ball of his left foot, caused by a deep cut made by an ax while he was with me. I got breakfast that morning, then all hands returned to the scene of the slaughter to bury the dead. The bodies were all in a nude state. The Indians through the night had stripped them of every vestige of clothing. Many of the parties were laughing and talking as they carried the bodies to the ravine for burial. They were just covered over a little, but did not long remain so, for the wolves dug them up, and after eating the flesh from them the bones laid upon the ground until buried some time after by a Government military officer.
At the time of burying the bodies, Dame and Haight got into another quarrel. Dame seamed to be terror-stricken, and again said he would have to publish it. They were about two paces from me. Dame spoke low, as if careful to avoid being heard. Haight spoke loud and said, "You know that you counseled it and ordered me to have them used up." Dame said, "I did not think that there were so many women and children. I thought they ware nearly all killed by the Indians." Haight said, "It is too late in the day for you to back water. You know yon ordered and counseled it, and now you want to back out." Dame said, "Have you the papers for that?" or, "Show the papers for that." This enraged Haight to the highest pitch, and Dame walked off. Haight said, "You throw the blame of this thing on me, and will be revenged upon you if I have to meet you in h— to get it."
REPORTING TO BRIGHAM YOUNG.
From this place we rode to the wagons. We found them stripped of their covers and every particle of clothing; even the feather beds had been ripped open and the contents turned out upon the ground looking for plunder. I crossed the mountains by Indian trail, taking my little Indian boy with me on my horse. The gather-ing up of the property and cattle was left in the charge of Bishop P. K. Smith. The testimony of Smith in re-gard to the property and the disposition of it was very nearly correct. I must not forget to state that after the attack a messenger by the name of James Haslem was sent with a dispatch to President Brigham Young asking his advice about in-terfering with the company, but he did not return in time. This I had no knowledge of until the massacre was committed. Some two weeks after the deed was done Isaac C. Haight sent me to report to Gov. Young in person. I asked him why he did not send a written report. He replied that I could tell him more satisfactorily than ho could write, and if I would stand up and shoulder as much of the responsibility as I could conveniently that it would be a feather in my cap some day, and that I would get a celestial salvation, but that the man who shrank from it now would go to hell. I went, and did as I was commanded. Brigham asked me if Isaac C. Haight had written a letter to him. I replied not by me; but I said he wished me to report in person. "All right," said Brigham ; "were you an eye witness ?” "To the most of it," was my reply. Then I proceeded and gave him a full history of all, except that of my opposition. That I left out entirely. I told him of the killing of the women and children, and the betraying of the company. That I told him I was opposed to, but I did not say to him to what extent I was opposed to it, only that I was opposed to shedding innocent blood. "Why," said he, "you differ from Isaac (Haight), for he said there was not a drop of innocent blood in the whole company." When I was through he said that it was awful; that he cared nothing about the men, but the women and children was what troubled him. I said, "President Young, you should either release men from their obligation or sustain them when they do what they have entered into the most sa-cred obligation to do." He replied: "I will think over the matter and make it a subject of prayer, and you may come back in the morning and see me." I did so. He said: "John, I feel first rate. I asked the Lord if it was all right for that deed to be done, to take away the vision of the deed from my mind, and the Lord did so, and I feel first rate. It is all right. The only fear I have is of traitors." He told me never to lisp it to any mortal be-ing, not even to Brother Heber. President Young has always treated me with the friendship of a father since, and has sealed several women to me since, and has made my home his home when in that part of the Territory—until danger has threatened him. This is a true state-ment according to the best of my recollection.
JOHN D. LEE.
This statement I have made for publication after my death, and have agreed with a friend to have the same, with very many facts pertaining to other matters con-nected with the crimes of the Mormon people under the leadership of the priesthood, from a period before the butchery of Nauvoo to the present time, published for the benefit of my family, and that the world may know the black deeds that have marked the way of the "Saints, from the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints to the period when a weak and too pliable tool lays down his pen to face the executioners' guns for deeds of which he is not more guilty than others who to-day are wearing ; he garments of the priesthood and living upon the "tithing" of a deluded and priest-ridden people. My autobiography, if published, will open the eyes of the world to the monstrous deeds of the leaders of the Mormon people, and will also place in the hands of the attorney for the Government the particu-lars of some of the most blood-curdling crimes that have been committed in Utah, which, if properly followed up, will bring many down from their high place in the Church to face offended justice upon the gallows. So mote it be.
