THE GREAT MORMON CRIME. JOHN D. LEE'S DYING TESTIMONY. FRIGHTFUL ARRAIGNMENT OF BRIGHAM YOUNG AND THE "BISHOPS" OF THE MORMON CHURCH FOR THE MASSACRE OF ARKANSAS IMMIGRANTS ON THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS—MEN, WOMAN, AND CHILDREN TREACHEROUSLY DE-CEIVED AND RUTHLESSLY BUTCHERED—TRUTH OF HIS STATEMENT AFFIRMED BY LEE WITH ALMOST HIS LAST BREATH—EXECUTION OF LEE AT THE SCENE OF THE SLAUGHTER.
SALT LAKE CITY, March 23.—At- 11 A. M. precisely Lee was brought out upon the scene of the massacre at Mountain Meadows before the exe-cuting party, and seated on his coffin about 20 feet from the firing party. The order of the court was read to him and the company present by Marshal Nelson. After the Marshal concluded reading that order of the court, at 10:34 A. M. he asked Lee if he had anything to say before its execution was carried into effect. Lee said: "I wish to speak to that man,” pointing to Mr. Fennemore, who was fixing his canvas near to take Lee's photograph, preceding the shooting. Lee then called to the artist, who replied, "In a second, Mr. Lee." When Mr. Fennemore signified his readiness to listen Lee, said: "I want to ask a favor of you. I want you to furnish each of my three wives a copy of the photo-graph, (meaning the one being taken,) a copy to Rachel A., Sarah C., and Emma B.” Mr. Howard responded for the artist, "He says he will do it, Mr. Lee." Lee carefully repeated the names over again, saying, "Please forward them."
DYING SPEECH OF THE CONDEMNED MAN. Lee then arose and said: "I have but little to say this morning. Of course I feel that I am on the brink of eternity, and the solemnity of eternity should rest upon my mind at the present. I have made out, or endeavored to do so, a manuscript and an abridged history of my life. This will be pub-lished. Sir, I have given my views and feelings with regard to all these things. I feel resigned to my fate. I feel as calm as a Summer morning. I have done nothing designedly wrong. My conscience is clear before God and man and I am ready to meet my Redeemer. This it is that places me upon this field. I am not an infidel. I have not denied God or his mercy. I am a strong believer in these things. The most I regret is parting with my fam-ily. Many of them are unprotected, and will be left fatherless. When I speak of those little ones they touch a tender chord within me." [Here Lee's voice faltered perceptibly.] He continued: "I have done nothing designedly wrong in this affair, I used my utmost endeavors to save these people. I would have given worlds, were they at my com-mand, to have avoided that calamity; but I could not. I am sacrificed to satisfy feelings, and am used to gratify parties; but I am ready to die. I have no fear of death. It has no terrors for me; and no particle of mercy have I asked from court or officials to spare my life. I do not rear death. I shall never go to a worse place than the one I am now in. I have said it to my family, and I will say it to-day, that the Government of the United States sacrifices their best friend, and that is saying a great deal, but it is true. I am a true believer in the gospel of Jesus Christ. I do not believe everything that is now practiced and taught by Brigham Young. I do not agree with him. I believe he is leading people astray. But I believe in the gospel as taught in its purity by Joseph Smith in former days. I have my reasons for saying this. I used to make this man's will my pleasure and did so for 30 years. See how and what I have come to this day. I have been sacrificed in a cowardly, dastardly manner. There are thousands of people in the church—honorable, good-hearted—whom I cherish in my heart. I re-gret to leave my family. They are near and dear to me. These are things to rouse my sympathy. I declare I did nothing designedly wrong in this un-fortunate affair. I did everything in my power to save all emigrants, but I am the one that must suffer. Having said this, I feel resigned. I ask the Lord, my God, to extend His mercy to me and re-ceive my spirit; my labors are here done.
THE EXECUTION. After the speech. Parson Stokes (Methodist) made a prayer, commending the soul of the con-demned man to God. Immediately after this a handkerchief was placed over Lee's eyes. He raised his hands and placed them on top of his head, sitting firm. Marshal Nelson gave the word, “Fire!" and five guns fired, the balls penetrating the body in the region of the heart. Lee fell square back upon his coffin-dead. Death was instantaneous. The body was placed in the coffin and the crowd dispersed. There were about 75 persons all told on the ground. Not a child or a relative was there. The best order pre-vailed, and all pronounced the execution "a suc-cess." Lee's last words to Marshal Nelson were "Aim at my heart." The body is now on its way from the scene of the execution to be delivered to relatives at Cedar City.
CONFESSION OF LEE. The following is a literal copy of the gen-uine confession of John D. Lee, no part of which has hitherto been published, although some of the general statements of fact have been long known by unauthoritative tradition. This paper was penned by Lee since his second trial and since his sen-tence to death, it was written by him without aid or advice, and is given herewith with-out alteration or erasure. Where any inter-polation is made, it is distinctly marked. The document was received under close seal from the hand or United Slates District Attorney Howard, who in turn received it from the hand of John D. Lee, then in the Penitentiary at Salt Lake City, in the month of February, 1877, and is certified by Mr. Howard as the identical statement written by Lee. Mr. Howard has hitherto withheld it from pablica-tion, but now that the prisoner has not escaped the penalty of the law, he permits it to be given to the public, as no end of justice will now be defeated by its publication:
JOHN D. LEE'S STATEMENT. In the month of September, 1857, the company of emigrants known as the "Arkansas Company," arrived in Parowan, Iron County, Utah, on their way to California. At Parowan young Aden, one of the company, saw and recognized one William Laney, a Mormon resident of Parowan. Aden and his father had rescued Laney from an anti-Mormon mob in Tennessee several years before, and saved his life. He, [Laney,] at the time he was attacked by the mob, was a Mormon missionary in Tennessee. Laney was glad to see his friend and benefactor, and invited him to his house and gave him some garden sauce to take back to the camp with him. The same evening it was reported to Bishop (Col-onel) Dame that Laney had given potatoes and onions to the man Aden, one of the emigrants. When the report was made to Bishop Dame he raised his hand and crooked his little finger in a significant manner to one Barney Carter, his brother-in-law, and one of the "Angels of Death." Carter, without another word walked out, went to Laney's house with a long picket in his hand, called Laney out and struck him a heavy blow on the head, fracturing his skull, and left him on the ground for dead. C. Y. Webb and Isaac Newman, President of the "High Council," both told me they saw Dame's manæuvres. James McGuffee, then a resident of Parowan, but who through oppression has been forced to leave there and is now a merchant in Pahranaget val-ley, near Pioche, Nevada, knows these facts. About the last of August, 1857, some 10 days before the Mountain Meadows massacre, the company of emigrants passed through Cedar City.
THE DOOM SENT FORTH. George A. Smith, then First Councilor in the church and Brigham Young's right hand man, came down from Salt Lake City, preaching to the differ-ent settlements. I, at that time, was in Washington County, near where St. George now stands; he sent for me; I went to him, and he asked me to take him to Cedar City by way of Fort Clara and Pinto settlements, as he was on business and must visit all the settlements. We started on our way up through the canyon. We saw herds of Indians, and he (George A. Smith) remarked to me that these Indians, with the advantage they had of the rocks, could use up a large company of emigrants, or make it very hot for them. After pausing tor a short time he said to me, “Brother Lee, what do you think the brethren would do if a company of emigrants should come down through here making threats? Don't you think they would pitch into them?” I replied that "they certainly would." This seemed to please him, and he again said to me, "And you really think the brethren would pitch into them?" "I certainly do," was my reply, "and you had better in-struct Col. Dane and Haight to tend to it that the emigrants are permitted to pass, if you want them to pass unmolested." He continued: "I asked Isaac [meaning Haight] the same ques-tion, and he answered me just as you do, and I ex-pect the boys would pitch into them." I again said to him that he had better say to Gov. Young that if he wants emigrant companies to pass without molestation that he must instruct Col. Dame or Major Haight to that effect, for if they are not ordered otherwise they will use them up by the help of the Indians. He told the people at the Clara not to sell their grain to the emigrants, nor to feed it to their animals, as they might expect a big fight the next Spring with the United States. President Young did not intend to let the troops into the Territory. He said: "We are going to stand up for our rights, and will no longer be im-posed upon by our enemies, and want every man to be on hand with his gun in good order and his powder dry," and instructed the people to part with nothing that would sustain life. From the 1st to the 10th of September, 1857, a messenger came to me—his name was Sam Wood—and told me that President Isaac C. Haight wanted me to be at Cedar City that evening without fail. This was Saturday. He told me that a large company of emigrants had gone south. I think they lived at Harmony, 20 miles south of Cedar City.
PRESIDENT HAIGHT'S PLAN. I obeyed the summons. President Haight met me. It was near sundown. We spent the night in an open Louse on some blankets, where we talked most all night. He told me that a company of emigrants had passed through some two days before, threaten-ing the Mormons with destruction, and that one of them had said he had helped to kill old Joe Smith and his brother Hyrum, that other members of the company of emigrants had helped drive the Mormons out of Missouri; that others had said they had come to help Johnson's Army clean the Mormons out of Utah; that they had the halters ready to hang old Brigham and Heber, and would have them strung up before the snow flew; that one of the emigrants called one of his oxen (a pair of stags) "Brig." and the other "Heber;" and that several of the emigrants had used all kinds of threats and profanity. John M. Higbee, the City Marshal, had informed them that it was a breach of the city ordinance to use profane language, whereupon one of them replied that he did not care a - for the Mormon laws or the Mormons either; that they had fought their way through the Indians, and would do it through the - Mormons, and if their God, old Brigham, and his priests would not sell their provisions, by-they would take what they wanted any way they could get, it; that thus enraged one of them let loose his long whip and killed two chickens, and threw them into his wagon; that the widow Evans said, "Gentlemen, those are my chickens; please don't kill them; I am a poor widow;" that they ordered her to " shut up," or they Would blow her brains-out, &c.; that they had been raising trouble with all the set-tlements and Indians on their way; that we were threatened on the north, by Johnson's Army; that now our safety depended on prompt and immediate action; that a company of Indians bad already gone South from Parowan and Cedar City to sur-prise the emigrants, who were then at the Mountain Meadows, and he wanted me to return home in the morning, (Sunday,) and send Carl Schurtz [Indian Interpreter] from my home [Harmony] to raise the Indians south, at Har-mony, Washington, and Santa Clara, to join the In-dians from the North and make the attack upon the emigrants at the Meadows. I said to him: "Would it not be well to hold a council of the brethren before making a move?" He replied that "every true Latter-Day Saint that regarded their covenants knew well their duty, and that the company of emi-grants had forfeited their lives by their acts," and that Bishop P. K. Smith [Klingensmith] and Joel White had already gone by way of Pinto to raise the Indians in that direction, and those that have gone from Parowan and here will make the at-tack, and may be repulsed. "We can't now delay for a council of the brethren. Return immediately, and start Carl Shurtz; tell, him that I ordered you to tell him to go; and I want you to try and get there before the attack is made, and make the plan for the Indians, and will send Sephi Johnson, the interpreter, to the Meadows as soon as he can be got to help Carl Shurtz manage the Indians." I did just as I was ordered. The Indians from the North and about, Harmony had already started for the Meadows before I reached home. Shurtz started immediately to do his part.
LEE REPENTS TOO LATE. I arrived at home in the night, and remained till morning. I thought over the matter, and the more I thought the more my feelings revolted against such a horrid deed. Sleep had fled from me. I talked to my wife Rachel about it. She felt as I did about it, and advised me to let them do their own dirty work, and said that if things did not go just to suit them the blame would be laid on me. She never did believe in blood atonement, and said it was from the devil, and that she would rather break such a covenant, if she had to die for so doing, than to live and be guilty of doing such an act. I finally concluded that I would go; that I would start by daybreak in the morning, and try to set there before an attack was made on the company, and use my in-fluence with the Indians to let them alone. I crossed the mountains by a trail, and reached the Meadows between 9 and 10 in the morning, the dis-tance from my place being about 25 miles. But I was too late. The attack had been made just before daybreak in the morning, the Indians repulsed, with one killed and two of their chiefs from Cedar City shot through the legs, breaking a leg for each of them. The Indians were in a terrible rage. I went to some of them that were in a ravine. They told me to go to the main body or they would kill we for not earning before the attack was made. While I was standing there I received a shot just above my belt, eutring through my clothes to the skin some six inches across. The Indians with whom I was talk-ing lived with me at Harmony. I was Indian Farmer. They told me I was in danger and to get thrown into the ravine. I said that it was impossible for me to do anything there, and I dare not venture to the camp of the emigrants without endangering my life. I mounted my horse and started south to meet Carl Shurtz. I traveled 16 miles and stopped on the Megotsy to bait my animal, as there was good grass and water. I had rode it over 40 miles without eating or drinking. This is the place where Mr. Tobin met his assassinators. About sunset I saw Shurtz and some 10 or 15 white men, and about 150 Indians. We camped.
THE ATTACK ON THE EMIGRANTS RENEWED. During the night the Indians left for the Meadows. I reported to the men what had taken place. They attacked the emigrants again, about sunrise the next morning, which was Tuesday, and had one of their number killed and several wound-ed. I, with the white men, reached the Meadows about 1 o'clock P. M. On the way we met a small band of Indians returning, with some 18 or 20 head of cattle. One of the Indians was wounded in the shoulder. They told me that the Indians were encamped east of the emigrants at some springs. On our arrival at the springs we found some 200 Indians, among whom were the two wounded chiefs, Moqueetus and Bill. The Indians were in a high state of excitement; had killed many cattle and horses belonging to the company. I counted 60 head near their encampment that they had killed in revenge for the wounding of their men. By the assistance of Oscar Hamblin, (brother of Jacob Hamblin,) and Shurtz, we succeeded in getting the Indians to desist from killing any more stock that night. The company of emigrants had corraled all their wagons but one for better defense. This corral was about 100 yards above the springs. This they did to get away from the ravine south, the better to defend them-selves. The attacks were made from the south ravine and from the rocks on the west. The attack was renewed that night by the Indians in spite of all we could do to prevent it.
LEE PLEADS WITH THE INDIANS. When the attack commenced Oscar Hamblin, William Young, and myself started to go to the In-dians. When opposite the corral, on the north, the bullets came around us like a shower of hail. We had two Indians with us to pilot us; they threw themselves flat on the ground to protect them-selves from the bullets. I stood erect, and asked my Father in Heaven to protect me from the missiles of death and enable me to reach the Indians. One ball passed through my hat and the hair of my head, and another through my shirt, grazing my arm near the shoulder. A most hideous yell of the Indians commenced. The cries and shrieks of the women and children so overcame me that I forgot my dan-ger aud rushed through the fire to the Indians and pleaded with them, in tears, to desist. I told them that the Great Spirit would be angry with them for killing women and little children. They told me to leave or they would serve ma the same way, and that I was not their friend bat a friend of their enemies; that I was a squaw and did not have the heart of a brave, and that I could not see blood shed without crying like a baby and called me cry-baby, and by that name I am known by all the Indians to this day. I owe mv life on that occasion to Oscar Hamblin, who was a missionary with the Indians, and had much influence with the Santa Clara Indians. They were the ones that wanted to kill me. Hamblin shamed them and called them dogs and wolves for wanting to shed the blood of their father (myself) who had fed and clothed them. We finally prevailed on them to re-turn to camp, where we would hold a council; that I would send for big Captains to come and talk. We told them that they had punished the emigrants enough, and may be they had killed nearly all of them. We told them that Bishop Dame and Presi-dent Haight would come, and may be they would, give them part of the cattle and let the company go with the tennis. In this way we reconciled them to suspend hostilities for the present. The two that had been with Hamblin and myself the night before said they had seen two men on horseback come out of the emigrants' camp under full speed, and that they went toward Cedar City.
AN APPEAL TO HAIGHT. Wednesday morning I asked a man—I think his name was Edwards—to go to Cedar City and say to President Haight, for God's sake, for my sake and for the sake of suffering humanity to send out area to rescue that company. This day we all lay still, waiting orders. Occasionally a few of the Indians withdrew, taking a few head of animals with them. About noon I crossed the valley north of the corral, thinking to examine their location from the west range. The company recognized me as a white man, and sent two little boys, about 4 years old, to meet me. I hid from them, fearing the Indians, who discovered the children. I called the Indians, who wanted my gun or ammunition to kill them. I prevailed with them to let the children go back to camp, which they very soon did when they saw the Indians. I crept up behind some rock, on the west range, where I had a full view of the corral. In it they had dug a rifle pit. The wheels of their wagons were chained together, and the only show for the Indians was to starve them out, or shoot them as they went for water. I lay there some two hours, and contemplated their situation, and wept like a child. When I returned to camp, some six or eight men had come from Cedar City. Joel White, William C. Stewart, and Elliot C. Weldon were among the number, but they had no orders. They had come merely to see how things were. The Meadows are about 50 miles from Cedar City Thursday afternoon the messenger from Cedar City returned. He said that President Haight had gone to Parowan to confer with Col. Dame, and a company of men and orders would be sent on to-morrow (Friday;) that up to the time he left the Council had come to no definite conclusion. During this time the In-dians and men were engaged in broiling beef and making up their hides into lassoes. I had flattered myself that bloodshed was at an end. After the emigrants saw me cross the valley they hoisted white flag in the midst of their corral.
A HIGH COUNCIL DECIDE THE EMIGRANTS SHOULD BE "USED UP." Friday afternoon four wagons drove up with armed men. When they saw the white flag in the corral they raised one also, but drove to the springs where we were, and took refreshment, after which a council meeting was called of Presidents, Bishops, and other Church officers and members of the High Council, societies, High Priests, &c. Major John M. Higbee presided as Chairman. Several of the dignitaries bowed in prayer, invoked the aid of the Holy Spirit to prepare their minds, and guide them to do right, and carry out the counsels of their leaders. Higbee said that "President J. C. Haight had been to Parowan to confer with Col. Dame and their counsel, and orders were that this emigrant camp must be used up." I replied, "Men, women, and children?" "All," said he, "except, such as are two young to tell tales, and if the Indians cannot do it without help, we must help them." I commenced pleading for the company, and I said though some of them have behaved badly, they have been pretty well chastised. My policy would be to draw off the Indians, let them have a portion of the loose cattle, and withdraw with them under promise that they would not molest the company any more; that the company would then have teams enough left; to take them to California. I told them that this course could not bring them into trouble. Higbee said: "White men have interposed and the emigrants know it, and there lies the danger in letting them go." I said: "What white man interfered?" He re-plied that in the attack on Tuesday night two men broke out of the corral and started for Cedar City on horseback; that they were met at Richey's Spring by Stewart, Joel White, and another man whose name has passed from me. Stewart asked the two men their names when they met at the spring, and being told in reply by one of the men that his name was Aden, and that the other was a Dutchman from the emigrants' company, Stewart shoved a pistol to Aden's breast, and killed him, saying, "Take that, you." The other man [the Dutchman] wheeled to leave as Joel White fired and wounded him. I asked him how he knew the wounded Dutchman got back to the emigrants' camp. He said because he was tracked back, and they knew he was there. I again said that it was better to deliver the man to them, and let them do anything they wished with then, and tell them that we did not approve such things. Ira Allen, High Councilor, and Robert Wiley and others, spoke, reproving me sharply for trying to dictate to the priesthood; that it would set at naught ail authority; that he would not give the life of one of our brethren for a thousand such persons. "If we let them go," he continued, "they will raise hell in California, and the result will be that our wives and children will have to be butchered, and ourselves too, and they are no better to die than ours, and I am sur-prised to hear Brother Lee talk as he does, as he, who has always been considered one of the stanch-est in the church, now is the first to shirk from his duty." I said: "Brethren the Lord must harden my heart before I can do such a thing." Allen said it is not wicked to obey counsel. At this juncture I withdrew, walked off some 50 paces, and pros-trated myself on the ground and wept in the bitter anguish of my soul, and asked the Lord to avert that evil.
THE EMIGRANTS TO BE DECOYED OUT. While in that situation Councilor C. Hopkins, a near friend of mine, came to me and said: "Brother Lee, come, get up, and don't draw off from the priesthood. You ought not to do so. You are only endangering your own life by standing out. You can't help it, if this is wrong, the blame won't rest on you." I said: "Charley, this is the worst move this people ever made; I feel it." He said: “Come, go back, and let them have their way." I went back, weeping like a child, and took my place, and tried to be silent, and was until Higbee said they [the emigrants] must be decoyed out through pretended friendship. I could no longer hold my peace, and said I, "Joseph Smith said that God hated a traitor, and so do I: Before I would be a traitor, I would rather take 10 men, and go to that camp and tell I them they must die, and now to defend themselves, and give them a show for their lives; that would be more honorable than to betray them like Judas." Here I got other reproof, and was ordered to hold my peace. The plan agreed upon there was to meet them with a flag of truce, tell them that Mia Indians were determined on their destruction; that we dare not oppose the Indians, for we were as their mercy; that the best we could do for them (the emigrants) I was to get them and what few traps we could take in the wagons, to lay their arms in the bottom of the wagon and cover them up with bed-clothes, and start for the settlement as soon as possible, and to trust themselves in our hands. The small children and wounded were to go with the two wagons, the women to follow the wagons, and the men next, the troops to stand in readiness on the east side of the road ready to receive them. Shurtz and Nephi Johnson were to conceal the Indians in the brush and rocks till the company was strung out on the road to a certain point, and at the watchword, "Halt; do your duty!" each man was to cover his victim and fire. Johnson and Shurtz were to rally the Indians, and rush upon and dispatch the women and larger children. It was further told the men that President Haight, said that if we were united in carrying out the instruc-tions we would all receive "celestial reward." I said I was willing to put up with a less reward it I could be excused. "How can you do this without sheading innocent blood?" Here I got another lampooning for my stubbornness and disobedience to the priesthood. I was told that there was not a drop of innocent blood in the whole company of emigrants. Also referred to the Gentile nations who refused the Children of Israel passage through their country when Moses led them out of Egypt—that the Lord held that crime against them, and when Israel waxed strong the Lord commanded Joshua to slay the whole nation, men, women, and children. "Have not these people done worse than that, to us? Have they not threatened to murder our leaders and prophets, and have they not boasted of murdering our patriarchs and prophets, Joseph and Hyrum? “Now talk about shedding innocent blood." They said I was a good, liberal, free-hearted man, but too much of this sym-pathy would be always in the way; that every man now had to show his colors: that it was not sale to have a Judas in camp. Then it was proposed that every man express himself; that if there was a man who would not keep a close mouth, they wanted to know it then. This gave me to under-stand what I might expect if I continued to oppose. Major Higbee said: “Brother Lee is right. Let him take an expression of the people." I knew I dare not refuse; so I had every man speak and express himself. All said they were willing to carry out the counsel of their leaders; that the leaders had the spirit of God, and knew better what was right than they did. They then wanted to know my feelings. I replied, I have already expressed them. Every eye was upon me as I paused; "but," said I, "you can do as you please; I will not oppose you any longer." Will you keep a close mouth?" was the question. "I will try," was my answer. I will here say that the fear of offending Brigham Young and George A. Smith had saved my life. I. was near being "blood-atoned" in Parowan, under J. C. L. Smith, in 1854, but on this I have spoken in my autobi-ography.
THE DIABOLICAL PLOT AT WORK. Saturday morning all was ready and every man assigned to his post of duty. Daring the night, or rather just before daylight, Johnson and Shurtz ambushed their Indians, the better to deceive the emigrants. About 11 o'clock A. M. the troops under Major Higbee took their position on the road. The white flag was still kept up in the corral. Higbee called William Bateman out, of the ranks to take a flag of truce to the corral. He was met about half way with another white flag from the emigrant's camp. They had a talk. The emigrant was told we had come to rescue them if they would trust us. Both men with flags returned to their respective places and reported, and were to meet again and bring word. Higbee called me out to go and inform them the conditions, and, if accepted, Dan McFarland, brother to John McFarland, lawyer, who acted as aide-de-camp, would bring back word, and then the wagons would be sent for the firearms, children, clothing, &c. I obeyed, and the terms pro-posed were accepted, but not without distrust. I had as little to say as possible—in fact, my tongue refused to perform its office. I sat down on the ground in the corral, near where some young men were engaged in paying the last respects to some person who had just died of a wound. A large fleshy old lady came to me twice and talked while I sat there. She related their troubles, said that seven of their number were killed and 47 wounded on the first attack; that several had died since. She asked me if I was an Indian Agent. I said: “In one sense I am, as Government has appointed me Farmer to the Indians." I told her this to satisfy her. I heard afterward that the same question was asked and answered in the same manner by McFarland, who had been sent by Higbee to the corral to "hur-ry me up for fear that, the Indians would come back and be upon them."
THE MASSACRE. When all was ready, Samuel McMurdy, counsel to Bishop P. K. Smith, (Klingensmith,) drove out on the lead. His wagon had the 17 children, clothing, and arms. Samuel Knight drove the other team, with live wounded men and one boy about 15 years old. I walked behind the front wagon to direct the course and to shun being in the heat of the slaughter, but this I kept to myself. When we got turned fairly to the east I motioned to McMurdy to steer north, across the valley. I at the same told the women, who were next to the wagon, to follow the road up to the troops, which they did. Instead of saying to McMurdy not to drive so fast, (as he swore on my trial,) I said to the contrary, to drive on, as my aim was to get out of sight before the firing commenced, which we did. We were about, half a mile ahead of the company when we heard the first firing. We had drove over a ridge of rolling ground, and down on a low flat. The firing was simultaneous along the whole line. The moment the tiring com-menced McMurdy halted, and tied his lines across the rod of his wagon box, stepped down coolly with double-barreled shot-gun, walked back to Knight's wagon, who had the wounded men, and was about 20 feet in the rear. As he raised his piece he said, "Lord, my God, receive their spirits, for it is for the kingdom of heaven's sake that we do this," fired and killed two men. Samuel Knight had a muzzle-loading rifle, and he shot and killed the three men, then struck the wounded boy on the head who fell dead. In the meantime I drew a five-shooter from my belt, which accidentally went off, cutting across McMurdy's buskin pantaloons in front, below the crotch. McMurdy said, "Brother Lee, you are excited; take things cool; you was near killin' me. Look where the ball cut," pointing to the place in his pantaloons. At this moment I heard the scream of a child. I looked up and saw an Indian have a little boy by the hair of his head, dragging him out of the hind end of the wagon, with a knife in his hand, getting ready to cut his throat. I sprang for the Indian with my revolver in hand, and shouted to the top of my voice, "Arick, ooma. cot too sooet"—(stop, you fool.) The child was terror-stricken. His chin was bleeding. I supposed it was the cut of a knife, but afterward learned that it was done on the wagon box, as the Indian yanked the boy down by the hair of the head. I had no sooner res-cued this child than another Indian seized a little girl by the hair. I rescued her as soon as I could speak; I told the Indians that they must not hurt the children—that I would die before they should be hurt; that we would buy the children of them. Before this time the Indians had rushed up around the wagon in quest of blood, and dispatched the two runaway wounded men. In jus-tice to my statement I would say that if my shooter had not prematurely exploded, I would have a hand in dispatching the five wounded. I had lost con-trol of myself, and scarce knew what I was about. I saw an Indian pursue a little girl who was fleeing. He caught her about 100 feet from the wagon, and plunged his knife through her. I said to McMurdy that he had better drive the children to Hamblin's ranch, and give them some nourishment, while I would go down and get my horse at the camp. Passing along the road I saw the dead strung along the dis-tance of about half a mile. The women and chil-dren were killed by the Indians. I saw Shurtz with the Indians, and no other white man with them. When I came to the men they lay about a rod apart. Here I came up with Higbee, Bishop Smith, and the rest of the company.
PLUNDERING THE DEAD. As I came up Higbee said to me: "Let us search these persons for valuables." and asked me to as-sist him; gave me a hat to hold. Several men were already engaged in searching the bodies. I replied that I was unwell, and wanted to get upon my horse and go to the ranch and nurse myself. My request was granted. Reaching Hamblin's ranch—being heartsick and worn out—I lay down on my saddle-blanket and slept, and knew but little of what passed during the night.
AN ANGRY ALTERCATION BETWEEN SAINTS. About daybreak in the morning I heard the voices of Col. Dame and Isaac C. Haight. I heard some very angry words pass between them, which drew my attention. Dame said he would have to report the destruction of the emigrant camp and company. Haight said: "How, as an Indian mas-sacre?" Dame said he did not know so well about that. This reply seemed to irritate Haight, who spoke quite loudly saying. "How the can you report it any other way without implicating your-self?" At this Dame lowered his voice almost to a whisper; I could not understand what he said, and the conversation stopped.
THE FUTURE OF TWO SURVIVORS. I got up, saw the children, and among the others the boy who was pulled by the hair of his head out of the wagon by the Indian and saved by me; that boy I took home and kept until Dr. Forney, Government Agent, came to gather up the children and take them East; he took the boy with the others; that boy's name was William Fancher; his father was captain of the train; he was taken East and adopted by a man in Nebraska named Richard Sloan; he remained East several years, and then returned to Utah, and is now a convict in the Utah Penitentiary, having been convicted the past year for the crime of highway robbery. He is now known by the name of "Idaho Bill," but his true name is William Fancher. His little sister was also taken East, and is now the wife of a man working for the Union Pacific Railroad Com-pany near Green River. The boy (now man) has yet got the scar on his chin caused by the cut on the wagon-box, and those who are curious enough to examine, will find a large scar on the ball of his left foot caused by a deep cut made by an axe while he was with me.
BURYING THE BODIES. I got breakfast that morning. Then all hands returned to the scene of the slaughter to bury the dead. The bodies were all in a nude state. The Indians through the night had stripped them of every vestige of clothing. Many of the parties were laughing and talking as they carried the bodies to the ravine for burial. They were just covered over a little, but did not long remain so, for the wolves dug them up, and after eating the flesh from them, the bones laid upon the ground until buried some time after by a Government mil-itary officer. At the time of burying the bodies, Dame and Haight got into another quarrel. Dame seemed to be terror-stricken, and again said he would have to publish it. They were about two paces from me. Dame spoke low, as if careful to avoid being heard. Haight spoke loud, and said: “You know that you counseled it, and or-dered me to have them used up." Dame said: " I did not think that there was so many women and children. I thought they were nearly-all killed by the Indians." Haight said: "It is too late in the day for you to back water. You know you ordered and counseled it, and now you want to back out." Dame said: "Have you the papers for that?" or "Show the papers for that," This enraged Haight to the highest pitch, and Dame walked off. Haight said: "You throw the blame of this thing on me, and I will be revenged upon you, if I have to meet you in hell to get it." From this place we rode to the wagons; we found them stripped of their covers and every particle of clothing, even the feather beds had been ripped open and the contents turned out upon the ground, looking for plunder. I crossed the mountains by an Indian trail, taking my little Indian boy with me on my horse. The gathering up of the property and cattle was left in the charge of Bishop P. K. Smith. The testimony of Smith in regard to the property and the disposition of it was very nearly correct.
BRIGHAM YOUNG'S APPROVAL. I must not forget to state, that after the attack a messenger by the name of James Haslem was sent with a dispatch to President Brigham Young, ask-ing his advice about interfering with the company, but he did not return in time. This I had no knowledge of until the massacre was committed. Some two weeks after the deed was done Isaac C. Haight sent me to report to Governor Young in person. I asked him why he did not send a written report. He replied that I could tell him more satis-factorily than he could write, and if I would stand up and shoulder as much of the responsibility as I could conveniently, that it would be a leather in my cap some day, and that I would get a celestial salva-tion, but that the man who shrank from it now would go to hell. I went and did as I was com-manded. Brigham asked me if Isaac C. Haight had written a letter to him. I replied not by me, but I said he wished me to report in person. "All right," said Brigham, "were you an eye-witness ?" "To the most of it," was my reply. Then I pro-ceeded and gave him a full history of all, except that of my opposition. That I left out entirely. I told him of the killing of the women and children and the betraying of the company. That, I told him, I was opposed to, but I did not say to him to what extent I was opposed to it, only that I was opposed to shedding innocent blood. "Why," said he, "you differ from Isaac (Haight) for he said there was not a drop of innocent blood in the whole com-pany." When I was through he said. that it was awful; that he cared nothing about the men, but the women and children was what troubled him. I said, "President Young, you should either re-lease men from their obligation or sustain them when they do what they have entered into the most sacred obligation to do." He replied, "I will think over the matter and make it a subject of prayer, and you may come back in the morning and see me." I did so, and he said, "John, I feel first-rate; I asked the Lord, if it was all right for that deed to be done, to take away the vision of the deed from my mind, and the Lord did so, and I feel first-rate. It is all right. The only fear I have is of traitors." He told me never to lisp it to any mortal being, not even to Brother Heber. President Young has always treated me with the friendship of a father since, and has sealed several women to me since, and has made my house his home when in that part of the Territory until danger has threatened him. This is a true statement according to the best of my recollection.
JOHN D. LEE. AN ARRAIGNMENT OF THE "SAINTS." This statement I have made for publication after my death, and have agreed with a friend to have the same, with many facts pertaining to other mat-ters connected with the crimes of the Mormon people under the leadership of the priesthood, from a period before the butchery of Nauvoo to the present time, published for the benefit of my family, and that the world may know the black deeds that have marked the way of the saints from the organization of the Church of Jeans Christ of Latter Day Saints to the period when a weak and too pliable tool lays down his pen to face the executioners' guns for deeds of which he is not more guilty than others who to-day are wearing the garments of the priesthood, and living upon the "tithing" of a deluded and priest-ridden people. My autobiography, if published, will open the eyes of the world to the monstrous deeds of the leaders of the Mormon people, and will also place in the hands of the attorney for the Government the particulars of some of the most blood-curdling crimes that have been committed in Utah; which, if properly followed up, will bring many down from their high place in the Church, to face offended Justice upon the gallows. So mote it be.
