LETTER FROM SALT LAKE.
[FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.]
The Mass Meeting in Salt Lake City—Deter-mination of the People to have a State Government—Brigham's Prayer and Speech—The Address and Resolutions.
GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, Jan. 7, 1861.
Your correspondent having been far away from the "Valleys of the Mountains" in 1857, is unable to make comparison between the en-thusiasm of the people then with that which is now before him ; he is, however, assured that the spirit of the times actual is ahead of any-thing manifested in those cold wintry days when the brotherhood rejoiced in seeing Colonel Al-exander and his command "promenading up and down Ham's Fork," and when there was a pretty fair show for a fight in that coming Spring. If, then, Mormons made such a demonstration in 1657, from a smaller com-mencement than the proceedings of yesterday, and with less enthusiasm to start with, I count upon witnessing interesting times.
Unable to attend Tabernacle services on Sun-day last, I can only presume that the announce-ment was made there that the citizens were to assemble on Monday, at noon, to speak, hear and deliberate on the measures necessary to be adopted for forming a State Government. The presumption is warrantable, for I hardly think that any other community of this magnitude would have turned out to the minute such a dense mass of human beings as rushed through a snow storm to get inside of the Tabernacle walls yesterday, or that even the Mormons would have done it unless they had been very recently reminded of their duties and obliga-tions. Taken as an indication of general interest, the early attendance of such a mass of beings, and their calm attention and unmistakable ap-proval of the proceedings, it is fair to set it down that the people are heart and soul in the movement; and it is, perhaps, not out of place to admit that it has come upon your correspond-ent almost unawares. I had noticed in the News a word or two intended, as I thought, to be part warning to the unpopular Gentiles, and part encouragement to the brethren, that a change was approaching; but I confess that I had no idea that such big times were "nigh even at our very doors." My telegram an-nounced that an enthusiastic meeting had been held; I now proceed to details—giving, with consistent abridgment, what my ears heard, and likewise something of what my eyes witnessed at
THE MASS MEETING.
Counting upon introductory services, and not over certain about the brevity of some of the brethren, I concluded to lunch before I put in an appearance. For facility of egress, I have usually chosen a seat at the extreme end of the building; but my calculations were nigh keep-ing me outside altogether, and only for the courtesy of one of the reporters, beckoning me to "come up higher," and kindly procuring me a seat at the reportorial table, I doubt much if I would have been able to take the notes now before me. Every seat and standing place was occupied in the body of the hall, and the pas-sages were crowded. On the platform were the leaders—"The First Presidency," all the Apostles, Bishops, Legislators, High Priests, and Elders. At the extreme south, Ball's Brass Band took possession of the orchestral seats, and commenced proceedings with "Yankee Doodle." That through with, Marshal Jesse C. Little called order and asked for a Chairman and Secretary, which resulted in the nomina-tion of Bishop, or, to be political, Edward Hunter for Chairman, and William Clayton for Secretary. Daniel H. Wells, William H. Hooper, John Taylor, George A. Smith, and A. O. Smoot were elected a Committee to draft reso-lutions, etc., expressive of the sense of the As-sembly on the subject which had brought them together.
THE DEDICATORY PRAYER.
President Young ascended the pulpit, and with a calmness of manner and solemnity of style that I never before observed in that Taber-nacle offered a prayer that indicated he con-sidered the occasion as out of marked solemn-ity. In substance he said:
O Lord, the Eternal Fathe in the name of Jesus Chri thy son we present rselves before Thee, in this thy House, in a capacity not frequent for us; but Tho knowest our desires and circumstances. We are now assembled to consider our rights, the rights of God the Father, of Jesus, of the Holy One, and of the people in a free republican government. We ask Thee, in the name of Jesus Christ, to die ate every emotion and every feeling in every heart in this assembly. We are Thine, and we realize that our every being is in Thy hands. The nations are in Thy hands. Whether we be few or many, if Thou direct, all is well. We humbly pray Thee to dictate, direct and rule the Committee, the President of this meeting and the Secretary, and all others throng out this Territory who are engaged in the consideration of this important subject. We pray to be so guided that we may do that which is right. That our voice may be in accordance with Thine own. Let us hear Thy voice, and may we be directed that Thy will be done. May those not connected with us, and who are not united with us in faith, hear Thee this day. Speak to them that they may unite with us in seeking that which is right Bless the Government of that which is called the United States. If they should err in ignorance, spare them; but if the President and his Cabinet, or the assembled Congress, should arise in opposition to this people and seek to bring evil upon them, we pray Thee to sweep them from off the face of the earth, that the Government of the nation may pass into the hands of the just. We delight in the happiness of the poor and those who seek righteousness. Help us to do right always, and defend us in presenting our de-mands for admission into the Union of States. Amen.
After the Amen had died away, the Band played very sweetly:
"We have lived and loved together."
The Committee retired to the Vestry, and a speech was called for. After a little silence Brigham began to shake off his overcoat, and the dense mass greeted him with enthusiastic applause—the first time that I ever heard a Mormon audience let off their steam with hands and feet. On reaching the rostrum the Chief started with what I think he intended as a gentle rebuke for such a noisy demonstration, but he only got out half a sentence when he seemed to change his intention, and that was the signal for a renewed general outburst of applause and cheers. The point sought was conceded, and the thousands were to have their own mode of expressing their approbation for that occasion.
THE SPEECH.
There is too much before me to attempt any-thing like a verbatim report of the speech. The gist of it was setting forth the sovereignty of the people—the source of all law. Legislators and law makers were but the servants of the people, and when the sovereigns stood forth laws were nothing better than old almanacs. He denied the right of the people to organize an independent government, but claimed their right to organize a State Government, and to live under it all the days of their lives—whether Congress would admit it into the Union of States or not.
He alluded to the statement of one of the Apostles, who had said that if the Government had treated the people of Utah like the people of other Territories he would be satisfied. The Chief went on to show that there was much of the Government treatment to others that he would be pleased with. He would have no ob-jection to the land grants, to preemption rights, and to the payment of Government debts where they were contracted—that class of t eatment could be eneured very composedly ; but he ob-jected to much of the other treatment, and that was where his opposition came in. There was not a man in Utah possessed a foot o ground that he could call his own. Every year the Le-gislature had petitioned for the land upon which they had built the city they now resided in ; but to that there was a deaf ear.
The course of the Federal Judges was closely scanned—of course there were exceptions; but the general character of the men who had been sent to Utah was of the lowest and most profli-gate stamp. He resurrected Judge Drummond and his proceedings. His forcing men to ride over the whole Territory as a posse comitatus after Indians, giving them drafts on Government, and at same time secretly protesting their payment, and to this day not paid. He spoke of the liber-ality of the Government to other Territories, in its grants of land, and though they were in the mountains while it was Mexican Territory, and the Government at its treaty, stipulated for the honorable discharge of all obligations to those inhabiting Mexican Territory, everybody had been seen ot to but the Mormons.
The Government had tied the hands of the people of this Territory, so that in the present hour of need they cannot pay the war tax le gally. There was no “personal estate” in Utah, and the peopl could not pay a red cent legally. If they did pay it, it would be paid illegally. There was one thing, however, they could do—they could ave the Government far more than their quo of the war tax. He summed up the preset expenses of Utah to the General Government The twenty thousand dollars voted annuall for the Legislature, and then the salaries of the Federal officers and con-tingent expenses, who would exceed nearly ten thousand dollars mor han what was called for. All this outlay he p posed to dispense with. They would elect the own rulers and judges and legislators. In ome of his statements he related that, while Governor, he had never been allowed a sheet of paper from the incidental ex-pense appropriation. When he sent down to Washington his account current, he usually had his desk drawer opened and reported:—“Three pens, two wafers and half a sheet of paper."
But abuse was no longer to be endured; they would suffer it no longer. If Congress choose to listen to their prayer and admit them into the Union, well; if not, well. He alluded mildly to Governor Dawson's short sojourn, and his re-turn to the States, and recalled the expression of a Congressman who advised the sending of handsome young officers to Utah. It would suffer their abuse no longer, and if they tried to instal Federal officers at the point of the bay-onet, as in '57, that game could not be played over again—their Territorial tutelage was at an end. After giving a review of the lives of the principal men sent into the Territory by the Government, he concluded: "We have had no favors ; we are tired waiting for them. If they admit us into the Union we will be true to them. If they do not admit us, we will be true to God, true to ourselves and true to the Constitution. He reversed the popular senti-ment, and had it Vox Dei, Vox Populi.
He sat down amid prolonged applause, and the band struck up the popular "Dixie," which terminated with another round of applause.
Mr. Dunbar, of the Dramatic Association, was called from the body of the hall, and sung with good effect the following very characteris-tic song:
"Oh Zion."—Tune, Lily Dale.
Oh ! ye mountains high, where the clear blue sky
Arches over the vales of the free,
Where the pure breeze blow,
And the clear streamlets flow,
How we've longed to your bosom to flee.
Oh! Zion, dear Zion, home of the free,
Our own mountain home, now to thee we have come,
All our fond hopes are centered on thee.
Though the great and the wise, all thy beauties despise,
To the humble and pure thou art dear;
Though the haughty may smile,
And the wicked revile,
Yet we love thy glad tidings to hear.
Oh ! Zion, dear Zion, home of the free.
Though thou art forced to fly to thy chambers on high,
Yet we'll share joy or sorrow with thee.
Here our voices we'll raise, and we'll sing to thy praise,
Sacred Homes of the Prophets of God,
Thy deliverance is nigh,
Thy oppressors shall die.
Aid the wicked shall bow ‘neath thy rod.
Oh ! Zion, dear Zion, home of the free,
In thy temples we'll bend ; all thy rights we'll defend;
And our homes shall be ever with thee.
The great audience joined in the chorus, and were then up to the highest figure in the patri-otic thermometer. Everywhere in the hail came up cries for “Hyde!" "Hyde!" and the chief of the apostles made his appearance; but on the reappearance of the Committee he vacated the rostrum for the Secretary to whom was confided the reading of their reports and resolutions. They are very lengthy documents. I would have attempted their abridgment in view of the demand upon your daily columns; but as they set forth the grievances on which this "revolu-tion" takes its start, I prefer to send you them entire in the accompanying advance sheets from the News, for use as you may think proper.
The cheers and applause with which the tell-ing points were received have to be imagined by the readers; they were frequent and enthu-siastic.
The preamble and resolutions were submitted for the action of the meeting, and one terrific "aye" went up from the body of the hall—they were resolved to stand by them. Band played the "Star Spangled Banner."
Apostle Hyde then read a letter he had pre-pared for the Missouri Republican as a New Year's gift to the people of Missouri, instruct-ing them that when they drove the Mormons from their homes in that State, that they were sowing the wind and were now reaping the whirlwind, and there was no chance of a change till they restored the persecuted disciples to their possessions.
The Band waltzed after that, and the follow-ing gentlemen were elected delegates to the Convention : Hons. Daniel H. Wells, Abraham O. Smoot, Elias Smith, James Ferguson, Reuben Miller, Wilford Woodruff, Archibald Gardner, Albert Carrington and John Taylor.
Another strain from the Band, and Brother Heber blessed us all, blessed the proceedings and everything, and we were then at liberty to take another dose of fresh air, ventilate our opinions, and consider ourselves the greatest people in the world. Hurrah for the future!
LIBERAL.
ADDRESS.
Fellow Citizens: It is now over eleven years since the Congress of the United States passed an Act organizing and establishing a Territorial Government for this Ter-ritory, when the Government began to exercise the pre-rogative of selecting, appointing, and sending to our Territory from distant States, men as officers and repre-sentatives of "Federal power."
At that time the people of this Territory had for some four years lived in the full enjoyment of a Provisional State Government, having a Constitution republican in its form and operation, providing for the free election by the people of their officers, distributing the powers of government into separate departments, executive, judi-cial and legislative.
Up to this time no "representative of Federal power" had appeared in our midst, and yet we had a govern-ment working for the interest of the pe ple, shaping their policy, promoting their Interest, preserving law and order, punishing crime, and defending the people against the inroads of the savage foe; and all this with out aid, counsel or favor from the parent or any other State or Government.
We merely revert to this state of affairs at the com-mencement of our Territorial history to show that as a people, a community, we combined then, at that early day, all the elements—material, ability and capacity—coupled wi h the disposition necessary to establish and maintain from our own resources, and from our own community, to satisfy the varied wants of at least the people of this Territory in their Government; and of that liberal, free and republican character which should have been satisfactory to the most fastidious, where the whole superstructure was supposed to be based upon the will of the people. We then asked for admission into the Union, feeling that it would be a privilege to have the selection of our own officers and the maintain-ing of our own Government. The Washington Govern-ment, choosing to be at the expense themselves, refused our application for admission and gave us a Territorial form of government, in which we acquiesced, and un-der the provisions of which we have since existed.
No sooner, however, did the "representatives of Fed-eral power" from distant States make their appearance in our midst, than a strife, and we might say, a warfare commenced between them and the citizens of the Terri-tory, and so far as they could influence it, between the citizens and the parent Government.
These Government officials from distant States have ever come among us as new, the "representatives of Fed-eral power," instead of being the representatives of constitutional law, impartial justice or as embassadors of American liberty. They have almost universally disregarded law, trampled under foot the Territorial authority, failed to execute the law when the power was exclusively in their hands to do it, sought to pro-duce distrust and enmity between this Territory and the General Government and people of the United States. They have turned loose upon the community criminals convicted by our juries and confined in our prisons, to again prey upon our property, and incited the savage foe to hostile deeds against us.
Writhing under hardships such as these, and to get rid of them, we held a Convention in March, 1856, formed and adopted a Constitution, and again by our Delegates knocked at the doors of Congress for admis-sion, and were again refused—actually spurned away; a deaf ear was not only turned to our complaints, but detraction, misrepresentation and falsehoods followed, set on foot and substan iated by perjured officia’s, rep-resentatives of "Federal power," until the Summer of 1857 witnessed the appointment and outfit of another and entire new set of representatives of Federal power marching hitherward, backed by Federal steel, which well nigh terminated in civil war, in deadly strife; but which was finally averted without the shedding of blood, though at a vast expense of treasure and trouble to the nation as well as ourselves.
All parties now agree that this crusade was the re-sult of slanderous official reports, made for sinister and corrupt purposes. We have heretofore, and not un-frequently, represented these injuries to the Federal Government, but to no apparent purpose. When we have calmly, persuas'vely and mildly stated our views, they have unheedingly passed them by. If incorpora-ting more earnestness and force in the expression of our views, they have been considered insulting, and in either case disregarded.
Fellow citizens, what has brought us here to-day ? Is it not to consider these matters, and give utterance to the feelings of an outraged people. We speak, Mr. Chairman, for ourselves, and in behalf of this people who are turning out en masse throughout the entire Territory, and in their sovereign capacity, considering the present crisis of their own affairs. We, sir, the people of this Territory, are tired of this order of things, and have met to say so, and to let our united voice again go up to the Federal Government, asking for the rights of freemen. We, sir, are exercising this day the undoubted right of freemen, in peaceably as-sembling together, and taking measures for the redress of our grievances.
As before stated, for over eleven years have we tried this Territorial form of government, and now we are led to ask the General Government, why continue to try it longer, since it has proved so decided, though not so inexpensive a failure? Does Mr. Lincoln, his Cab-inet, or the houses of Congress, think it will prove any different In their hands than in those of former adminis-trations ?
Well, let us look and see what are the indications. How stands this matter to-day ? His Excellency Gov-ernor Dawson, lately arrived from some place in the State of Indiana, presents himself In the Te ritory as Governor. Without soliciting the appointment of this man to this office, without petition, without any mani-festation in his favor by the people—aye, more, with-out their consent, knowledge or desire—he comes, and says that he is the representative of "Federal power," and he comes with "tests of loyalty," averring that some one, or somebody else, has said somewhere in the distant country where he has come from, that this people had been accused of disloyalty to the Govern-ment. He enters upon the duties of his office, a resi-dent of three days, issues his Message, vetoes the first Act presented to him passed by the Legislative As-sembly, rendering as one of his reasons for so doing that the Organic Act provides that all laws passed by the Governor and Legislative Assembly shall be pre-sented to the Congress of the United States, and if dis-approved by it that they shall be null and void, and averring there is not time for this Act to be so submit-ted before it would go into operation.
Now, the Governor, probably, was not aware that his own approval was all that was necessary to make the Act effective, and that it would so remain in force until so disapproved by Congress, as before stated. Never since this Territory existed has it transpired that Congress has manifested to any person that it had not disapproved of an Act of the Governor and Legis-lative Assembly, nor, indeed, of its disapproval of any ; and yet our laws have been considered in force, adju-dicated upon by the Federal Judges and executed, and carried into effect by the executives and ministerial officers generally; but, according to this man’s theory, they could not be considered in force until it was known whether Congress disapproved them or not!
Again, he assigns as another reason, that time suffi-cient is not given for the people of the Territory to be sufficiently notified, so as to have an opportunity of acting intelligently upon the subject matter therein contained. Now, we are not going to find fault with Governor Dawson for giving such flimsy reasons for re-turning the bill, neither are we going to follow him any further therein; but we ask you, fellow citizens, what better could we expect of a stranger? He arrives here from a distant S ate, sojourns two or three weeks, and goes home again some fifteen hun-dred miles away; as a matter of course, he is unacquainted with our laws, the construction put thereon, the practice of his predecessors, the people and the Government. Of course he did not know that the views of the people of this Territory had ripened into a Convention and an application for admission into the Union six years ago; and that the Delegate of the Territory had presented it over and over again, and this he did not know, when he assigned as a reason for not signing the memorial to Congress, that there was no accompanying Constitution. Of what use is such Governor to either the Territory or the General Gov-ernment? How can the President, the Cabinet, or Con-gress expect him to be of any use? It is unreasonable to expect that any man, similarly chosen and ap-pointed, should feel any deep or abiding interest, or be of any benefit, like citizens of the Territory would, whose in erest, be ng identified with the people, would seek their prosperity at home, and properly represent them abroad. This furnishes one great reason for the discontinuance of a practice so pernicious and subver-sive of the principles of popular government; and to right this, and many other abuses, have we met in council this day.
Mr. Chairman, it was only a few days since, when another representative of Federal power, from some other distant place, which we do not now remember, suddenly slipped away off into his judicial district, where he has never resided according to the law of Congress, which provides that the Judges shall reside in their respective Judicial Districts, and trampling the law of the Territory as well as that of Congress under his feet, released a thief from the Penitentiary, turning him loose to prey upon the community.
Mr. Chairman, we have met to take lawful steps to rid ourselves from such mal-administration; we are to-gether to select our delegates to meet in Convention on the third Monday of this month, to form and adopt a Constitution and State Gov rnment, and to memorial-ize Congress to grant us admission. We wish you, sir, to instruct those delegates, in our behalf, that we are tired of having officers sent among us who cannot be presumed to have any knowledge respecting the policy, feelings, ability, character, disposition, interest or wel-fare of this people, and setting at defiance our laws, or to longer insult us by their unwelcome presence. We wish, sir, to instruct that Convention to say this to the General Government—aye, more: tell them, these are your officers, not ours; and that they misrepre-sent us; and we would be sorry to believe they do not misrepresent the General Government. Our experience has proven that both you and we can get along better without them than with them.
Is not the Government yet satisfied with the folly and disgrace which it has exhibited to all the world, and which has been entailed upon her by reason of being misled—actually betrayed—by the misrepresentations of those representative a of "Federal power" which it has sent to this Territory. From the disastrous cam-paign of President Buchanan, in 1857-8, to their in glorious retreat in 1861, when, by the order of the res-ent Administration, they destroyed some two hundred tons of guns and other munitions of war, the same as though they had been In the coun ry of alien enemies, when, at the same time, they owed the Territory their quota of public arms, which as yet has never been sup-plied. From the p omenading of Colonel Alexander up and down Ham's Fork, the proclamation of General A. S. Johnston, refusing to take salt, to the proclamation of President Lincoln, declaring Uinta Valley an Indian reservation—all of which acts, and scores of others of like nature, too tedious to mention, our Government ought to be, and doubtless is, ashamed of, if their high sense of honor and dignity would allow them to ac knowledge it—are the result of, and traceable to, the misrepresentations and influence of those unworthy representatives of Federal power, and recipients of Federal patronage.
We ask again, if the Government is not yet satisfied with these misleadings, and of being thus ignobly be-trayed into those disgraceful dilemmas, what combina-tion of calamitous circumstances or events can make them so? Would it not be better for the Government, its interest, as well as its honor, to remedy these great evils by abolishing the source from which they spring?
If we must have Representatives of Federal power, let them come from our midst, bearing with them the emblems of peace, of equity, of constitutional law, and of American liberty for freemen, for American citizens.
Mr. Chairman, tell that Convention to form a Gov-ernment, under the provisions of which we can have the privilege of choosing our own rulers in accordance with the genius of American institutions, and the in-alienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happi-ness. Let that Convention say to the Government that a delegate to Congress without a vote is no representa-tive, and taxation without representation formed one of the leading causes of revolt from the mother coun-try in the days of the revolution. In the days of an Adams, a Jefferson, and a Washing on. Tell them, further, that necessity compels us, for our safety, in order to preserve ourselves from the depredations of the midnight marauder, the assassin, to tie the hands of their Eskleses, their Crosbys, their Cradlebaughs and their Drummonds. Say to them, in your sovereign ca-pacity as Delegates direct from the people, that we gave ''tests of loyalty" to the State of Missouri, when they marched us up between two rows of soldiers, and forced us to sign deeds to convey away our property for which we had paid our money to the General Gov-ernment; when we surrendered our arms into their hands, at the instigation of an infuriated mob ; when we surrendered ourselves at the same instigation of mob power into the hands of the authorities of the State of Illinois, under the pledged faith of the State for safety and protection, and were treacherously massacred ; when you treated with us, you, representing mobocratic power, and we, holding the laws and Constitution of the country in our hands, claiming their protection, to sever the ties of kindred associations of life, and expatriate ourselves from home and country and seek a shelter in the barren wilds; and when upon our journey upon the banks of the Missouri, far beyond your settlements in 1846, in poverty, in sickness, you required 500 men from our traveling camps to aid you in your war with Mexico, and which were immediately furnished, and then tell them that our tests of loyalty are ample. We may pay the direct and income tax, if required ; that is a law which remains to be executed in accordance with its own provisions, but do not require it of us, as the Gov-ernor in his message suggests, as a test of loyalty.
It may not be inappropriate, while treating upon this subject, to hoist the balances and see if those with whom we have had to do have been as ample in their "tests of loyalty" to cur Government, to which we are at the defiance of the world to prove that we have ever been unfaithful. Although it is a principle of common right and political economy, long since estab-lished as an element of free government, that whenever a government fails to subserve and promote the pur-pose of its own creation, or becomes more exacting in its requirements than beneficial in its bestowings, that it is no longer worthy of the respect or support of its people, and might, and of right should be thrown aside as a worthless thing.
It is not, however, the Government, but its mal-ad-ministration, that we have arraigned before the bar of public opinion, the sovereign people. Was it legal in the Governor, Judges, officers and people of the State of Missouri to suffer a mob to drive and plunder a por-tion of their citizens from their homes and possessions, which they had purchased from the General Govern-ment in Jackson, Bay, Caldwell, Daviess, and other counties? Those acts were in direct conflict and con-trary to the laws and Constitution of that State. Then why did not those administrators, calling upon the force of the State, arise in their m ght and rebuke the spirit of mobocracy, and restore those, whom it had driven, to their homes? If Missouri had done so, would she have done anything more than her duty to herself, her Government, her citizens? Then was she not disloyal to herself, her people, her Government, when she could calmly look on and see her laws trodden under foot, her Constitution broken, a portion of her citizens falsely imprisoned, murdered, and finally banished altogether from the State by an illegal, unconstitutional, extermi-nating edict of its Executive?
Permit us to inquire of you, fellow-citizens—of you, Missouri, had you then, at that early day in the history of mobs, magnified your laws, Constitution and gov-ernment, by putting mobs down by the strong arm of your power—had you then and since been loyal to yourself, your institutions, and Government, might you not to-day, without calling in the aid of other States, be better able to restrain and put down the deeds of violence which are now bringing desolation and death to your own firesides?
Again, when the Executive, officers and people of the United States witnessed, in 1889, illegal, unconstitu-tional and unjustifiable violence, the expulsion of 12,000 people from that S ate, had they been loyal to them selves, to their country, their Government, their Con-stitution, would they have permitted it? Had the power of the Government arisen, and said to those flee-ing fugitives, "Here, come back ! we will repossess you of your homes which you have purchased of us, and defend you in their peaceable enjoyment, and hold in check this mobocratic power which has dared to lift its hydra head in our country."
If, at that early period in mob history, had our Gov-ernment thus put forth its potential arm for justice and mercy, and since continued, might she not to-day be better able, have more power to sustain her own ex-istence undivided, and restrain the turmoil and strife which is now bringing desolation, death and misery to many people? Are not the Constitution and laws of Congress the supreme law of the land, and if that law had been faithfully executed, would it not have re-stored those persons so ruthlessly driven from their possessions in the State of Missouri? Wou'd it not have punished the guilty and defended the innocent? Most assuredly it would ! If the Constitution and laws of Congress are the supreme law of the land, and were faithfully executed, would it not so restore them, even now, to their lost possessions? Now whose fault is it that the supreme law of the land is not enforced, if not that of its sworn administrators? Where, then, can the charge of disloyalty rest, if not with those who wielded its power, and whose sworn duty it was to see it faithfully administered. And so the history of mob vi-olence which has so earnestly followed and pursued this people, stands like a monument of censure and disgrace to the loyalty and patriotism, not only to those who were the actors and agitators, but to those who stood idly by and witnessed their country's laws broken with impunity, without raising an arm or voice to stay the stream of reckless violence and disloyalty which now threatens to engulph all in a common ruin. This is the spirit which we the people of this Territory have had to grapple with, and in our weakness been compelled to retire before it all the day long, with the Constitution and laws of our country all the time in our favor, extending their pro-tection to the utmost limit of what we could ask had they found faithful and oyal administrators. Say then no more to us about tests of loyalty, Mr. Dawson, until you, as the representative of Federal power, clear up your own record; until you can say we have restored to you your lands and possessions In Missouri, Illinois and Iowa, and have made amends for your losses and sufferings, and brought to justice and legally punished your aggressors; until you can say we have extended to you, without regard to the past, the same rights and privileges which we have to other Ter-ritories, that we have extinguished the Indian title to your homesteads, and granting donations to actual set-tlers for farms, for town sites, cities, school and other purposes, as we did to Oregon and New Mexico, and pre-emption laws as we did so Iowa, Wisconsin and Illi-nois ; until you can say that you have an equal share of the public patronage, and that you will not discon-tinue a monthly mail contract for carrying the mail from the Missouri river to this city for the paltry pit-tance of $28 000 a year, and refuse the malls, as you did In 1857, simply because one of your people held the con-tract, and that, too, after the people of the Territory had expended, for the purpose of establishing a daily line, in stations, a ock, etc, some two hundred thousand dollars, and then turn round and give some more favored citizen from some distant State four times the amount for performi g the same service ; until you can say that you have extended unto us the right of self government and representation, as you did to Califor-fornia and Oregon, and have paid up the indebted-ness which you owed us for public service and Indian expenditures ; until you can say that you have irented us the same as you have other Territories, in giving us a voice in regard to the selecting of our officers ; until the representatives of Federal power can truthfully make these assertions, we wish to hear no more about tests of loyalty to our Government. No ! it is not to us that disloyally attaches ! No, thunder it in their ears, that we yet are freeman—that we still live under the "Star-Spangled Banner," though we have been made to feel its stripes! That we still live, and ever expect to abide under the broad folds of our country's flag, under the aegis of the Constitution of our common country, bequeathed to us by patriotic fathers, although we had to wrest them from your intolerent hands while reck-ing with our blood! No! we not possess the benefit of a single item of constitutional law, of American liberty or freedom, but we have had, under the provi-dence and blessing of the Almighty, the liberty to take and possess. That noble bird, the emblem of Ameri-can liberty, preceding the representatives of Federal power, made his eyrie in the fastnesses of the Rocky mountains. Here we stand, the flag of our country waving free as the mountain breeze high over our heads, with the stroll of our country's fame the cementing bond of her union, power and glory, the palladium of her liberties the Constitu-tion of our fathers w dely enrolled in our hands and our hearts; saying to the honest, the virtuous the meek, the humble, to those who love justice and mercy, come and take shelter where peace has established her do-minion, where a place is, and has been preparing for you when confusion, distress, anguish and destruction should come upon the nations, come join our host, though not as numerous, they are far mightier than thou, having the mighty God of Jacob for our friend ; here we can render aid to suffering humanity. Our un-happy country is bleeding at every pore, for, alas ! your victories over each other are defeats to your country, and when you triumph, it is over the destruc-tion of yourselves. We wish to preserve our Union ; but we fear the mingling of your blood, shed in unholy strife, will not cement its broken fragments. We wish to preserve an asylum of peace, where, when you get tired of war, you can lay down your arms and repose in safety. We wish to cultivate the earth and store up the grain, that when famine presents his gaunt visage, and sweeps desolation over the land, as most assuredly he will, we may have power and means on hand to ad-minister to your necessities. Thus good policy, as well as wisdom, would seem to dictate that a resource should be preserved far in the interior, unapproachable to an enemy, where a nucleus may be formed around which the shattered fragments may cluster when the present vast resources, numerous array and formidable para-phernalia of war shall have expended itself in fruitless efforts, and the "sore vexation, and great misery and destruction to many souls" be overpast.
In view of these great events which are already trans-piring, let us this day take steps to shape our policy, to direct our future course so as to meet the exigencies of the times in which we live, and preserve unto ourselves the rights, privileges and blessings of free government. Happy are the people when they can rely upon the good faith, honesty and loyalty of their rulers, the ad-ministrators of their government. It is from them, and not from the people, that "tests of loyalty" should be required; for how can a people be disloyal to them-selves so long as their will is, or should be, the law of the land.
Local legislation and local government has wisely and successfully formed a part of our great experiment of self-government; the wishes, views, feelings, institu-tions, policy and interest, of such local government, though peculiar to itself, may harmonize with the gen-eral whole in proportion as it is left to itself, and not brought in contact with foreign disturbing elements; hence the wisdom of that constitut onal obligation which imposes upon our Government the duty to guarantee to the people of each State that form of government which shall best secure to them these objects.
Now, therefore, let the administrators of our Govern-ment, instead of requiring "tests of loyalty" from the people, exhibit their own loyalty by serving out even-handed justice to the people of this Territory, by allow-ing us to govern ourselves in accordance with the spirit and liberty of our Constitution, and the genius of the free and liberal institutions of the boasted free Govern-ment of our country.
Now are our settlements widely extended and rapidly filling up with an intelligent and patriotic people, where a few years ago many a lonely valley was without in-habitants, is now dotted over with towns, cities, villages, farms and country dwellings. Whereas, in the com-mencement of our settlements, a mere handful had to contend with the surrounding tribes, we have now gain-ed an influence and power over them which not only holds them in check, but measurably subjects them to our control.
If, then, eleven, twelve and thirteen years ago we combined the elements, the capacity and ability of erecting and sustaining a good, wholesome, liberal and free Government, how much superior capabilities must we now possess to accomplish the same desirable ob-ject.
Let, therefore, the present Administration and Con-gress receive favorably our application for admission into the Union; and we respectfully submit whether your time will not be better employed in admitting Utah into the Union, than in using the gigantic mea-sures now in operation to reclaim the disaffected States, and thus let the people of this Territory exhibit whether they have the capacity and ability to form, maintain and administer self government. Your Committee also report the following.
PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS.
WHEREAS, We have, for the last eleven years, been living under a Territorial form of government, and owing to the rigid policy of the President of the United S ates persisting in appointing no resident or citizen of the Territory to any of the offices provided in its organic law, but continually selecting them from distant States, men who have no interest in our welfare, in the pros-perity of our Territory, who never identify their inter-est with us, who never build a house, a fence, or make any kind of improvement, but always rent houses and offices to serve out their time, receive their salaries, and then return to their homes in these distant States from whence they came to use the means they thus ac-quired, in making their homes and improvements away in some distant country.
WHEREAS, It cannot, be expected that men so ap-pointed from a distance will be acquainted with the policy, well-being, tastes or acquirements of a people, with whom they are utter strangers; and whereas, when officials are evil-disposed such a state of things produces serious abuses by deranging the operation of our laws, sanctioning crimes by letting them go un-punished, and turning those who are convicted by our Courts and juries loose to prey upon our community, and whereas, where officials who are not particularly so evil-dispose , either through lack of understanding, ignorance, prejudice or other disqualification, con-stantly interrupt the course of justice, the well being of our community, and continually endanger our peaceful relations with the parent Government; therefore, be it
Resolved, That to insure peace abroad and domestic tranquillity at home, we select delegates from this coun-ty, to meet in a Convention to be holden in the Court House in this city on Monday, the 20th inst., to draft and adopt a Constitution and form of State govern-ment for this Territory, and do all other things neces-sary and proper to carry the same into effect.
Resolved, That said Convention memorialize the Congress of the United States for admission into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original States, having first laid sa d Constitution before the people for their ratification or rejection.
Resolved, That we hold as a fundamental principle, among American institutions that the people shall have a voice in the selection of their own officers; that loosl legislation, and local administration of the laws, are both indispensable to the peace, liberty, prosperity and we l being of any community.
Resolved, That taxation should not be required with-out representation, and that a delegate to Congress, having no vote as at present provided, is no represent-ative.
Resolved, That as long as we have no representative in Congress, and no voice in the election of our Chief Magistrate, who appoints all of the principal officers for our Territory, that we cannot expect any correc-tion of the abuses to which we are continually subject, and cannot see any reason why they will not be con-tinued and repeated as a natural consequence incident to our present organization, and having tried it for the last eleven years, we think that our experience therein might terminate.
Resolved, That uniformly selecting and transporting men from distant States into our Territory to fill its offices, presuming as it does that we have no men in our Territory fit, capable or worthy to fill them, is a standing insult to the intelligence and patriotism of this community, and devoid alike of good policy and com-mon justice.
Resolved, That we can see no other or better way to avoid the confined recurrence of these political diffi-culties which have so beset our Territorial progress, than to abolish our Territorial form of government, and trust that Congress, now in session, will hearken unto our application for admission into the Union, and will grant us speedy and favorable action thereon.
