Sacramento daily union no. 3457

              SACRAMENTO DAILY UNION. 
LETTER PROM SALT LAKE. 
[FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.] 
GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, April 16, 1862. 
First General Assembly of the State of Deseret. 
The "Stars and Stripes" were run up over the State House on Monday morning at ten o'clock, and thirteen Senators and twenty-six Representatives answered to the roll call of the elected to the first Legislature of the State of Deseret. As their names will fill a page in his-tory some day, I may as well start with them now: 
SENATE.—From Great Salt Lake, Summit, Green River and Tooele counties—Albert Carrington, Wilford Woodruff, John Taylor and Elijah F. Sheets. 
From Davis and Morgan counties—John W. Hess. 
From Sanpete county—Orson Hyde. 
From Cache county—Ezra T. Benson. 
From Weber and Box Elder counties—Lorenzo Snow. 
From Millard and Juab counties—Thomas Callister. 
From Beaver and Iron counties—George A. Smith. 
From Utah and Wasatch counties—Leonard E. Har-rington and James W. Cummings.
From Washington county—Orson Pratt, Sr. 
Officers.—John Taylor, President; Thomas W. Eller-beck, Secretary; Patrick Lynch, Assistant Secretary ; Joseph Taylor, Sergeant-at-Arms ; Samuel L. Sprague, Messenger; Robert Pierce, Fireman; Elder Joseph Young, Chaplain. 
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.—From Great Salt Lake county—Albert P. Rockwood, Franklin D. Richards, Reuben Miller, Hiram B. Clawson, Joseph A. Young and Edwin D. Wooley. 
From Davis and Morgan counties—John Stoker and William R. Smith. 
From Sanpete county—Bernard Snow and M. D. Hambleton. 
From Cache county—Peter Manghan and William B. j Preston. 
From Weber county—Lorin Farr and Chauncey W. West. 
From Box Elder county—Jonathan C. Wright. 
From Summit county—Thomas Rhoads.
From Tooele county—Eli B. Kelsey. 
From Juab county—Timothy B. Foote. 
From Millard county—Thomas R. King. 
From Beaver county—William J. Cox. 
From Iron county—Silas S. Smith. 
From Utah county—Lorenzo H. Hatch, Albert K. Thurber and Aaron Johnson.
From Wasatch county—George W. Bean. 
From Washington county—Hosea Stout. 
Officers.—A. P. Rockwood, Speaker ; William Clay-ton, Chief Clerk; Robert L. Campbell, Assistant Clerk; James F. Allred, Sergeant-at-Arms ; Heber J. Richards, Messenger ; Elnathan Eldredge, Fireman; Eider W, W. Phelps, Chaplain. 
Having all sworn fidelity to the Constitution, deputations were dispatched to wait upon His Excellency the Governor, who soon appeared, accompanied by the Lieutenant Governor and the President of the late Convention. The As-sembly arose, did them honor and seated them-selves for the reading of the message, which I tack on to this letter. The message has three noticeable points—first, the right of American citizens to organize a State government when they are solid enough to discharge its functions and rich enough to meet its obligations ; second, Territorial numbers of any figure no criterion for admission or rejection; thirdly, and most important of all, "no improper, ambitious or disloyal motives have induced us to prefer fol-lowing in the State precedental footsteps made by California." I will only remark that Brother Brigham Young, Governor of the State of Des-eret, gets on very cleverly to Brother William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, District of Columbia, United States, North Am-erica; and Brother William will no doubt feel highly complimented to be quoted by Brother Brigham in his first State epistle, even though the quotation may not be quite convenient to be reminded of at the present moment. 
The proceedings of the State Legislature up ; to the present writing have not been of any public interest—in fact, I very much doubt that anything will be done beyond electing two Sen-ators and sending them to Washington, bearers of the Constitution and of a memorial praying for the admission of the State of Deseret into the "family of States." 
The name of the second Senator has not yet transpired, but is supposed to lie between three Federal officers, who are all willing enough to represent the State of Deseret. Two out of the three would be rejected at Washington, and possibly the third also; but one could never have my vote were I in that Legislature to-day. Straddle of the fence is no position for any man who expects to be respected. I shall be disap-pointed, notwithstanding general expectation, if the Legislature sends any outsider. 
Important Telegrams about Mail Route and Indians. 
Two telegrams have reached my fingers legit-imately enough, I vouch; how, is of no conse-quence. They demand notice. I shall try to do them both justice, and from courtesy to the arraigned, will let them tell their own stories : 
[COPY.] 
GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, April 11, 1861. 
To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Wash-ington: The Indians in Utah are robbing the Overland Mail Company of their horses and provisions, and des-troying their stations, and declare the "paper wagons" shall be stopped within two months. They are killing the cattle of the inhabitants, and demanding provisions of them and of the Superintendent in an insolent and threatening manner, and two thousand Shoshones are now entering the northern settlements, demanding food and clothing. An imperative necessity demanded im-mediate military protection for the Mail Company and settlers. We ask that the Superintendent of Indian Af-fairs, James Duane Doty, be authorized by the Secre-tary of War to raise and put in service immediately under his command, at the expense of the General Gov-ernment, a regiment of mounted Rangers from inhabit- ants of the Territory, with officers appointed by him, each man to furnish his own horse, clothing, arms, and equipments, to serve three months or longer if required, or until troops of the United States can reach the Ter-ritory, and that he be authorized to procure the neces-sary subsistence. [Signed by] 
FRANK FULLER, Acting Governor of Utah. 
J. F. KINNEY, Chief Justice Sup. Court of Utah. 
SAMUEL R. FOX, Surveyor General of Utah. 
F. COOK, Assistant Treasurer Overland Mail Co. 
H. S. R. ROWE, Superintendent Overland Mail Co. 
E. R. PURPLE, Agent Overland Mail Company. 
JOSEPH HOLLADAY, Agent Eastern Division Over-land Mail Company. 
WM. B. HIBBARD, Asst. Superintendent Pacific Telegraph Company. 
[COPY.] 
GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, April 14, 1362. 
Hon. John M. Bernhisel, Washington City, D. C.: I am informed that a telegram has been forwarded from here, over the signatures of Frank Fuller, J. F. Kinney, and six others, not one of whom is a permanent resi-dent in this Territory, to the Secretary of War, asking him to authorize James D. Doty, Superintendent of In-dian Affairs, to raise and officer a regiment here for three months, or until United States troops can reach here, under the general allegations that the property of the Overland Mail Company and the settlers are in danger from the Indians. So far as I know, the In-dians in Utah are unusually quiet; and instead of two thousand hostile Shoshones coming into our North-ern settlements, Washekeek, their Chief, has Wintered in this city and near it, perfectly friendly, and is about to go to his band. Besides, the militia of Utah are ready and able, as they ever have been, to take care of all the Indians within our borders, and are willing to protect the mail line, if called upon so to do. The statements of the aforesaid telegram are without found-ation in truth, so far as we know. 
[Signed] 		BRIGHAM YOUNG. 
It takes no great gift of vision to readily scan and comprehend that these two documents are I had half a hint of the sending of the first dispatch; but have failed to track it to the originator—pater-nity is disowned by all the signers with whom I have spoken on the subject. I much respect nearly all the gentlemen who have signed the first document, and regret the more that they should have been so badly hoaxed. Others see in their united action a hostile meddling—a dispose-tion to getup a movement that will ultimately lead to trouble in the Territory. I owe that my relationship with the majority of those gentlemen had led me to a far different conclusion. The courtesies extended to them all during the ball season, and the apparent appreciation of those courtesies, and the general free intercourse since, would induce the belief that no Federal officers had ever been on better terms with the people, or could be better disposed. The regret which I have since heard expressed over the send-ing of that telegram further confirms my con-clusion, that it has been a hasty and ill digested move.
To understand the offense, I should state that speculators have all the time sought to crowd the Territory with troops—contracts and sutler-ships are sometimes very profitable. Every kind of charge has been made against the peo-ple to this end, by a class of men whom it was easy to expose. The front of offending in the present Federal officers, therefore, seems to me simply the confirmation which the call for Mountain Rangers—though composed of Mor-mons—would give to the demands of those who are perpetually seeking the establishment of troops among the people. One expressed to me his regret at signing the request on that ac-count; a second said he did it merely to not be objectionable to his friends; and a third thought that though the Indians were fed they were never satisfied, and would murder the innocent. 
I have frequently, in my communications, alluded to the Indians and their very unfair treatment by Indian Agents. I am opposed to fighting Indians where feeding will suffice, not because of any Methodistical cant about shed-ding blood, but because the feeding is the least expensive, the most just and the most enduring in relationship. I have no desire to see the mail stopped and the wires cut down, and both of these ugly facts are more likely to be the issue of fighting Indians than of feeding them. I would rather be popular and go the other course if I could, but for the life of me I cannot see it. It seems strange to some men that Indians should be importunate in demands for bread—they call it insolence. Poor red skins, they are children ; they have not the duplicity of their whiter brethren; when they are hungry they must eat, if they can find anything to masticate, and as they have no storehouses, a severe Win-ter like the present forces them to acts of despe-ration. Bring it home to your cities and see how much better white folks would act if in the same destitution. 
The fault is in Government agents not doing their duties. Superintendent Doty I much res-pect as a gentleman, and no doubt faithful offi-cer; but what did his predecessors? Every-thing but their duty. Forney, a superannuated pill doctor, who owed his appointment to cross road politics in Pennsylvania and old Buck's friendship; Davis, a drug on the hands of the Missouri Democracy, had to be sent out of the way, and Martin—Oh! Lord, save us ! I do know personally that the course of these three men has been enough to irritate and arouse the most long-suffering and patient. Is it not a dis-grace that the Government cannot be moved to fill the months of the Indians, who are every way entitled to support, but can be moved with facility to send any amount of troops called for, even at a moment when the nation is struggling with the hugest rebellion known in the nine-teenth century. I would hang every axe-grinder in the country. 
Had the Indians committed depredations in the Territory, Governor Fuller should have called out the militia; but the Indians in the Territory are no worse than they always are in Winter, before they go hunting. One of the gentlemen signing the telegram has just told me that there was every reason to believe that the Indians were stealing the stock of the East-ern Company and selling them to some French traders preparing for Salmon River. Hang the traders—that is certainly more legitimate than killing the Indians. 
Go as it will now, we are in for some interest-ing times. 	LIBERAL. 
Message of Governor Young. 
To the Senate and House of Representatives, con-vened in General Assembly:
Gentlemen : Through the blessings of God, our Father, and under the inestimable rights guaranteed by the Constitution of our country, we have the privilege of meeting in our present capacity. And in accordance with a time hon-ored custom, and trusting that it may aid some-what as a basis for that unanimity which should characterize the official acts of persons assem-bled to promote the public good, I will briefly offer some of my views upon certain subjects that will more or less occupy your attention, and require your deliberation and action. Whether our revolutionary fathers varied much or little from the spirit and letter of the Consti-tution, in their initiative legislation relative to citizens settling on the public domain, or whether at that period it was within their power to have legislated more in accordance with the Constitution, are questions it is probably needless to dwell upon at pres-ent. Certain it is that at an early day, it was deemed proper to institute Territorial Govern-ments for settlers on the public domain, which usage is continued to the present; and from these embryo governments States were to be formed and admitted into the Union. And, as in the organization of Territories, so in the ad-mission of States, there is no specific rule in the Constitution further than: "New States may he admitted by Congress into this Union," and "the United States shall guar-antee to every State in this Union a re-publican form of government." True, since the celebrated Ordinance of 1787 in rela-tion to the government of the then North-western Territory, there has been less of direct legislation by Congress for citizens in Territo-ries—less Congressional legislation and taxa-tion without representation—still, the appoint-ment of officers for American citizens, not only without regard to their choice, but in some cases contrary to their expressed wishes (to say no-thing of the character and conduct of many of said officers), and the having no vote in the national council nor in the election of the Chief Magistrate (while paying an equally proportion-ate quota of, the governmental expenses), are so contrary to the principles upon which our independence was declared and so inconsistent with the Constitution that, at first thought, it seems not a little strange that such erroneous and unequal practices were ever instituted, and very inconsistent that they have been so long perpetuated and are still practiced. 
In a republican government like ours I hold that both justice and consistency require that citizens in Territories, however few in number, should at least have not only a voice but also a vote in the representative branch of the Gen-eral Government, a vote for the Chief Magis-trate, and their choice in the officers appointed by him, except, perhaps, the Secretary and Judges, and other law officers, so far as their official acts are exclusively restricted to busi-ness pertaining to the United States as a party; and still more just and consistent would it be were the people allowed one Representative in Congress, and to elect all their officers, with the exceptions already named. And then, when the people in a Territory properly express their wish to assume the responsibility and expense of a State government, upon their presentation of a Constitution republican in form, with a pe-tition for admission, the Declaration of Inde-pendence, the Constitution, justice, and the most ordinary regard for the rights of their fellow-citizens all combine to counsel Congress to cor-dially welcome, and at once admit that Terri-tory into the family of States, regardless of the number of its population. That Territorial numbers, so they are capable, and de-sirous of republican self-government, are irrelevant to the question of admission as a State, we have the authority of the Hon. Wm. H. Seward, now Secretary of State, in his speech in the Senate, April 9, 1856, in favor of the admission of Kansas, as follows: "The Constitution does not prescribe 93,700, or any other number of people, as necessary to con-stitute a State. The point concerning numbers is therefore practically unimportant and friv-olous. The Constitution prescribes only two qualifications for new States, namely: a sub-stantial civil community and a republican gov-ernment." And here I assert, without fear of truthful contradiction, that we are clearly within the bounds so correctly defined by Mr. Seward as requisite to our admission as a State, for our conduct under a Provisional Government, until it was superseded by a Territorial organization, and our acts under that organization clearly prove that we are "a substantial, civil commu-nity ;" and the Constitution lately adopted by our Convention and ratified by the people is certainly "republican" in form, and by it we wish to abide. 
In addition, both to my views upon these points and to the thoroughly considered state-ments made by Seward, it may not be uninter-esting to briefly allude to the varied proceed-ings, as to manner of admission, that have in-creased the number of States from thirteen to thirty-four. Vermont, Kentucky and Maine, respectively claimed by New York, Virginia and Massachusetts, were admitted in accord-ance with Section 3, Article IV, of the Consti-tution. Texas was annexed. After repeated ; memorials by the Legislative Assembly of Michi-gan, and much difficulty in regard to a portion I of her southern boundary, Congress passed "An Act to establish the northern boundary line of the State of Ohio, and to provide for the admission of the State of Michigan into the Union." Tennessee, Arkansas, Florida and Iowa called Conventions, adopted Constitutions, applied for admission, and were in that manner admitted. In several instances, Congress, upon petition or memorial, have passed Acts to enable or authorize the people of a Territory “to form a Constitution and State Government" prepara-tory to admission; and ill some cases have, in the enabling Acts, also provided for admission and representation. California, occupying, like Utah, territory ceded to the United States by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2d, 1848, and having passed a short period under what may be called a military civil gov-ernment. met by her delegates in Convention, formed a Constitution, ratified it on the 13th of November, 1849, by a very unanimous vote, and at the same time " elected a Governor, Lieu-tenant Governor, members of the Legislature and two members of Congress." On the 15th of December next after the general election the Legislature convened, organized, proceeded to elect the State officers made elective by the Constitution, two Senators to Congress, and to legislate upon such matters and in such manner as in their judgment circumstances required. Thus California, without having undergone a Territorial pupilage, stepped at once upon the platform of State action, and was admitted into the Union on the 9th of December, 1850, and that, too, as constitutionally, lawfully and properly as any other State has been admitted, having "a substantial civil community, and a republican government." 
On the first of September, 1849, the clay the Convention began its session, the largest num-ber claimed by California was some 43,000, a number probably about one-half the present population of Utah. I think this places us com-paratively on a very respectable footing as to numbers, and do not see that any one can con-sistently object to the larger number doing what was sanctioned on the part of so much the lesser number. It may also be proper, in order to verify an historical event, to here remark that the sudden increase of population in California in 1849, from the best information I have, was chiefly due to the previous first known discov-ery there of gold by members of the Mormon battalion, which battalion also very efficiently aided in wresting from Mexico that fertile and valuable region. Again, the census of 1860 shows the population of Oregon to be 52,464, and she enjoys all the blessings and privi-leges of State government, on an equality with her sister States.
Most fully are we all aware that no improper, ambitious or disloyal motives have induced us to prefer following in the State precedental footsteps made by California, but for reasons so justly urged for her admission, and because our position is still more isolated than hers; our population is already numerous and rapidly in-creasing, our Territorial organization is each year growing less adapted to the necessities of the people, who are wearied in being so long disfranchised while winning to civilization and freedom a region so forbidding, and, more than all, because it is our inalienable and constitu-tional right, have we adopted a like course in seeking our admission and in our subsequent action. And I am confident, so far as I can dis-cern, that this course will most conduce to the advancement of the true social, industrial and political interests of all concerned. 
In this connection, and while our nation, with a large and rapidly increasing public debt, is struggling to preserve the integrity of her boundaries. I deem it proper to suggest that our admission will leave in the public treasury some $34,000 annually appropriated for our Territo-rial expenses, and will add to the revenue the full amount of our annual quota of the Gov-ernmental tax. When millions of dollars are being disbursed weekly, these thousands may seem small in contrast; but in the great major-ity of instances those millions have been col-lected in much smaller amounts than the thou-sands of Utah's quota. 
In accordance with an Act passed by Congress, in July last, nearly $27,000 of the direct tax was apportioned to Utah. I was gratified that our Legislative Assembly so promptly assumed the payment of our quota of that tax, and with-out question this General Assembly, should they deem further action on that subject necessary, will, with equal patriotism, adopt such measures as will best sustain our Government in its finan-cial affairs, so far as our apportionment and every constitutional requirement are concerned. But I wish it distinctly understood that I object to any action being taken in this or any other matter, except on the ground of right and jus-tice, and in nowise as an evidence of our loyalty, for it has oft times been severely tested, and has, on every occasion, emerged from the test with un-sullied purity. We are not here as aliens from our Government, but we are tried and firm sup-porters of the Constitution and every constitu-tional right. 
If, after electing two Senators to Congress, and adopting a memorial for our admission, and and such other memorials, if any, as to you may seem proper, you should in your wisdom deem it best to proceed farther in legislative duties, I respectfully recommend that you enact that the laws now in force in the Territory of Utah be in full force and virtue in law in the State of De-seret, until superseded by future legislation. I would also respectfully suggest that in all legis-lation the condition, circumstances and wants of the people are to be considered in enacting any given law, whereby you will avoid the blind patterning after laws entirely inapplicable. In pursuing this course, it will at once occur to you to encourage the importation of useful machinery, rather than manufactured articles; to foster by appropriate bounties and otherwise the raising of dye stuffs, flax, hemp, cotton and wool, and the erection of factories: to encour-age the raising of tobacco, so long as the people will use it, and the careful storing up of all sur-plus grain, for thousands upon thousands will flock here in need of succor; to promote the cause of general education, and, in fine, to al-ways legislate for the good of the people at large and not for individual advantage, keeping inviolate our Constitution and the Constitution and all constitutional laws of our country. 
Gentlemen: I tender you my future cordial co-operation in the performance of the impor-tant duties now devolved upon you, my confi-dence in your integrity, intelligence and capa-bility, and invoke for your guidance the bless-ings of Israel's God, who setteth up nations and breaketh them in pieces, who ruleth and over-ruleth, and ordereth and doeth all things well, in accordance with his own good pleasure. 
BRIGHAM YOUNG. 
GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, April 14, 1862.