The Latter Day Saints,
OR THE DEALINGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE WITH THE BUFFALO CONVENTION.
The Rev. Joshua Leavitt, who made a violent Hale speech at the free soil convention in this city, has issued an address to the Liberty party in ex-planation of his conversion to Van Burenism, and of the marvellous interposition of a Special Provi-dence by which the nomination of the Buffalo Con-vention was made to fall upon Martin Van Buren. We place before our readers his authoritative ac-count of these wonderful events, omitting the un-important portions, and dividing it into convenient sections for the better edification of our readers.
Of the great anxiety with which Mr. Leavitt left home.
"I left home for Buffalo, under anxious appre-hensions that the Liberty party, after a pure and honorable career, thus far, might be brought to a dishonorable end."
How the Barnburners relieved Mr. Leavitt of his anxiety.
"As I travelled somewhat leisurely through the State of New York, I was agreeably impressed by the tone of candor and respect which the friends of Mr. Van Buren exhibited towards Mr. Hale and the Liberty party, and the utter absence of any-thing like attempts either to coax or coerce us to the support of their candidate."
How the Rev. Mr. Bascom, of Seneca Falls, re-sorted to the use of means to carry out the divine will.
"Here we were distracted with a variety of schemes, almost as many as there were minds.—The subject was at length referred to a select com-mittee of one from each State represented; and this committee, after an ineffectual attempt to come to some conclusion, put it into the hands of a sub-committee, consisting of Hon Mr. Bascom of Sen-eca Falls, Hon. Mr. Hamlin of Columbus, both Whigs; Dr. Snodgrass of Baltimore, and myself. Next morning, three projects were presented and considered, and Mr. Bascom's plan was unani-mously approved, reported and adopted and it car-ried us happily through, without the least jarring or confusion."
How the Hon. S. C. Phillips, "with a sad heart" held communion with the Rev. Joshua Leavitt.
"In the organization of the convention, I be-came a member of the Committee on Resolutions, consisting of three from each State represented, on whom devolved the duty of framing a platform of principles to be the basis of our political union.—This general committee, after consultation, referred the work to a sub-committee of seven, whose la-bors, as I was not among them, I would commend with unqualified approval, did they not speak for themselves in a manner wholly above my feeble praise. Before the meeting of the committee on Thursday morning, the Hon. Stephen C. Phillips, of Massachusetts, met me with a sad heart, and said he did not know what to do, for he could not see how it was possible he should agree to support Mr. Van Buren, without a sacrifice which no man ought to make.
How the Hon. S. C. Phillips found relief.
"But after the committee had met and received the report of the sub committee, with the announce-ment that it was unanimous, Mr. Phillips took the first opportunity to speak, and with deep emotion declared, that if that platform could be accepted with equal unanimity by the committee, and if the convention itself would adopt it as their basis, there was nothing else the convention might do which he would not support cheerfully and cor-dially.
How the Hon. B. F. Butler, who lamented the want of the stated preaching of the Gospel at Sandy Hill, told his experience to the Committee of Conferees; of Mr. Butler's sudden conversion, and of Mr. Van Buren's great frankness.
"All this was done with perfect ease, and to universal satisfaction and delight. The way was now prepared for the selected delegates from the several States to retire and make the required nom-inations, to represent and carry out the objects of the platform.
At this stage, before the first or "informal" bal-lot, it became necessary, in the opinion of the con-ferees, to hear from Mr. Van Buren, through his most intimate and faithful friend, Hon. Benjamin F. Butler. Mr. Butler's course in the committees had been such as to win the respect and confidence of all, thus far, and he was listened to with the deepest interest, in a detailed statement of the steps by which Mr. Van Buren had been brought to con-sent to the use of his name by the Utica conven-tion, when it seemed necessary to the support of his old political friends, in their separation from the party, as represented in the Baltimore conven-tion. This consent was given when the move-ment was confined to his own State and his own party, and before any mortal could have foreseen such a movement as this. Mr. Butler also detailed, with great frankness, the rapid change which had taken place in his own views and the views and feelings of his friends on the whole subject of sla-very, and his cordial satisfaction in the platform, for which he gave much credit to Mr. Chase, of Cincinnati, the chairman of the conferees."
Of the wonderful effect produced by the letter of Mr. Van Buren, and how a way was opened for his nomination.
"He then read a letter which Mr. Van Buren had, of his own accord, addressed to the New York delegation, in which he evidently threw himself wholly into the cause, in a manner which at once conciliated the unhesitating confidence of us all, that he was with us, and his name was before the convention in a manner that was entirely satisfac-tory."
How the liberty men were moved to withdraw Mr. Hale.
"Mr. Hale had written a letter, confiding the disposal of his name before the convention unre-servedly to the united judgment of Samuel Lewis, H. B. Stanton, G. C. Fogg and myself, and we had unanimously agreed that it would be our duty to place his name before the convention on precise-ly the same terms with Mr. Van Buren's. This was done by Mr. Stanton. Judge McLean's name was absolutely withdrawn by Mr. Chase, who, however, stated that the Judge was wholly and earnestly with us. The roll was then called, each delegate voting viva voce, as an experiment, prepa-ratory to the regular or binding vote. The result gave Mr. Van Buren a plurality of about 40 above Mr. Hale, and a majority of 22 above all others.—Many of Mr. Hale's friends had become so fully satisfied that the interests of the common cause would be best promoted by giving the nomination to Mr. Van Buren, that they voted for him, even on the informal trial, thinking it might have an ill effect if he should not have a handsome majori-ty on this vote."
And what Mr. Leavitt did thereupon, and how he devoted himself to the cause of freedom; and of the considerate forbearance which Mr. Van Buren's friends manifested when they had got all that they wanted.
"On the announcement of the result, which was received with considerate forbearance by the ma-jority, the eyes of our friends were turned to me, and with a general willingness that I should have the honor of closing the business by the voluntary surrender of Mr. Hale. And with the advice of a few of those friends whose counsels have never misled us, I mounted the platform to perform one of the most solemn acts of my life. After giving a very brief sketch of the objects, principles and his-tory of the Liberty party, and of Mr. Hale, I said that this union had fully embodied in its plat-form both our essential principles and our policy, if independent organization in favor of liberty and against slavery, irrespective of our former party connections. We had fully redeemed our pledges of honor to Mr. Hale, who agreed with us in doing everything for the cause, and nothing for men I knew I was acting in entire accordance with his wishes, in making a motion that the result of the informal ballot should be recorded, and that Mr. Van Buren should be unanimously nominated as our candidate for the Presidency. The delight and enthusiasm with which this was responded to, was full of hope for our cause. I shall never forget the scene.
What Mr. Leavitt thought of the whole matter.
"I cannot describe, language cannot express the spirit of that convention. I have met with no man who will say that he has ever witnessed its equal. Christian men of the highest character declared that they were never more impressed with the man-ifest presence of the Divine Spirit."
Whatever difference of opinion there may be as to the finger of Providence in all this, we think that no one can fail to see in it the finger of Mar-tin Van Buren.
As a specimen of the deep solemnity which per-vaded the convention, and of the reverent spirit in which all the proceedings were conducted, and up- on which brother Leavitt dwells with so much unction, we copy the following extract from the speech of Mr. Culver, one of the chief orators:
"Gentlemen—I have lungs like a double bound high pressure steam engine. [Ha! ha! ha!] I will make you hear just like a knife. [Ha! ha! ha!] Mr. Butler will speak after I get through. It is always customary where I live to put the young steers first, and let the old oxen come be-hind. [Ha! ha! ha! what a devil of a fellow he is; go it Culver.]
"I feel like the green Yankee" said he, "who went to work for the old deacon. They used to place a pitcher by his plate, which contained noth-ing but water, while all the rest of the family used the contents a huge pitcher which sat in the middle of the table. One day our Yankee friend boldly seized said pitcher and taking a hearty swig there from, found it to contain the best kind of cider. The deacon, very much aston-ished, asked the young man 'where he was brought up?’ ‘Where all fared alike, by G—,’ replied he. [Great laughter."]
The first and grand objection urged against Gen. Taylor by the men who now support Van Buren was that he was not a good Whig enough. The following is the circular which they first is-sued, calling the Worcester Convention; it is the first platform of their party organization, and they appear to have stuck by it about as long as their candidate usually stands to his principles, as long as any thing was to be made by it.
TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
The Whig National Convention have nominated GENERAL TAYLOR for President of the United States. In so doing they have exceeded their just authority, and have proposed a candidate whom no Northern Whig is bound to support.
HE IS NOT A WHIG, when tried by the stand-ard of our party organization. He has never voted for a Whig candidate, has declared that the party must not look to him as an exponent of its princi-ples, that he would accept the nomination of the Democratic party, and that he would not submit his claims to the decision of the Whigs, acting through their regularly constituted Convention.
HE IS NOT A WHIG, if judged by the opin-ions he entertains upon public policy. Upon the great questions of Currency and Finance, of In-ternal Improvements, of Protection to American Industry, so far from agreeing with the Whigs, he has distinctly avowed that he has formed no opin-ion at all.
HE IS NOT A WHIG, if measured by the high-er standard of principle, to which the Whigs of Massachusetts and of the North have pledged themselves solemnly, deliberately, and often. He is not opposed to the extension of Slavery over new Territories, acquired, and to be acquired by the United States. He is a Slaveholder, and has been selected because he could command votes which no Whig from the Free States could re-ceive.
To make room for him, the trusted and faithful Champions of our cause have all been set aside.
The Whigs of Massachusetts, by their Legisla-ture, and in their popular assemblies, have re-solved, that, opposition to the extension of Slave-ry is a fundamental article of their political faith. They have spoken with scorn and upbraiding of those Northern Democrats who would sacrifice the rights and the interests of the Free States upon the altar of party subserviency.
The Whigs of the Legislature have recently de-clared to the country, "that if success can attend the party, only by the sacrifice of Whig principles, or some of them" they do not mean to be thus successful; that they are determined "to support a candidate who will not suffer us to be over-bal-anced by annexations of foreign territory, nor by the further extension of the institution of Slavery, which is equally repugnant to the feelings, and in-compatible with the political rights of the Free States;" and that they "believe it to be the reso-lute purpose of the Whig people of Massachusetts, to support these sentiments, and carry into effect the design which they manifest."
Believing that the support of General Taylor's nomination is required by no obligation of party fidelity, and that to acquiesce in it would be the abandonment of principles which we hold most dear, treachery to the cause of Freedom, and the utter prostration of the interests of Free labor and the Rights of Freemen:—
The undersigned, Whigs of Massachusetts, call upon their fellow citizens throughout the Com-mon wealth, who are opposed to the nomination of CASS and TAYLOR, to meet in Convention at Worcester, on WEDNESDAY, the 28th day of June current, to take such steps as the occasion shall demand, in support of the PRINCIPLES to which they are pledged, and to cooperate with the other Free States in a Convention for this purpose.
The following capital parody upon the above proclamation is from the Springfield Republican.
TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
The Buffalo Convention have nominated Mar-tin Van Buren for the Presidency of the United States. In so doing they have proposed a candi-date whom no Northern Whig is bound to sup-port.
He is not a Whig, when tried by the standard of our party organization. He has never voted for a Whig candidate, has never consented to be an ex-ponent of Whig principles, he has accepted a Democratic nomination, and has never consented to submit his claims to the decision of the Whigs, acting through their regular constituted Conven-tion.
He is not a Whig, if judged by the opinions he entertains upon questions of public policy. Upon the great questions of Currency and Finance, of Internal Improvements, of Protection to American Industry, so far agreeing with the Whigs, he has distinctly and uniformly opposed them.
He is not a Whig, if measured by the higher standard of principles, to which the Whigs of Massachusetts and of the North have pledged themselves solemnly, deliberately, and often. Although not a slaveholder, he has ever been known as the "Northern man with Southern principles" and, in the language of Mr. Giddings, he is "a servile doughface, who has placed the evidence of his ser-vility conspicuously upon the records of our coun try, where it will remain, and be regarded as an enduring memento of the degeneracy of the age, and of the men who then filled our public sta-tions." He has been selected because he could com-mand votes which no Whig could receive.
To make room for him, the trusted and faithful champions of freedom have all been set aside.
The Whigs of Massachusetts have recently de-clared to the country, "that if success can attend the party only by the sacrifice of Whig principles, or some of them" they do not mean to be thus suc-cessful, and recognizing as they do, in Martin Van Buren the father of the sub-treasury system, the uniform opponent of the protective policy, the advocate of the late Mexican War, and the pledged enemy of any attempt on the part of Congress to make the District of Columbia free soil; and be-lieving that the support of the nomination is re-quired by no obligation of party fidelity, and that to acquiesce in it would be the abandonment of principles which we hold most dear, treachery to the cause of freedom, and the utter prostrations of the interests of free labor, and the rights of free-men:—
We, the Whigs of Massachusetts, call upon our fellow-citizens throughout the Commonwealth, who are opposed to the nomination of Cass and Van Baren, to meet in Convention in their respec-tive towns on Tuesday, the 1th day of November next, to take such steps as the occasion shall de-mand, in support of the principles to which they are pledged, and to cooperate with the other states in measures for the success of Whig principles.
