THE CONTEST OF 1860.
VIRGINIA WHIG STATE CONVENTION.
SPEECH OF JOHN MINOR BOTTS ON THE ISSUES OF THE DAY.
After the nominations were announced, loud calls were made for Botts, who came forward, and, after a few pre-liminary remarks in acknowledgement of the tokens of re-spect shown him, said:
I apprehend, sir, that the call that has been made upon me has, perhaps, been somewhat influenced and induced by an error—by an erroneous statement that has been made, that it was my purpose to address this convention I had no such purpose. As I remarked, I have accepted an invitation to address the Order of the United Americans in the Academy of Music, in the city of New York, on the 22d of this month, in which I have endeavored to present my views upon all the questions connected with the condi-tion of the country at the present time—in which I have undertaken to portray the deplorable condition to which this country has been reduced, the causes that have led to it, and the remedies to be applied—in which, too, I have dealt with a just but unsparing hand with the Democracy of this country—applause)—to whom I have traced, as with a pencil of light, so that every man can understand who can read the Lord's prayer, every calamity, every evil, and every ill that has befallen this nation for the last thirty years. I ought, perhaps, to make an exception of the small pox, of the cholera, and of the yellow fever. (Laughter.) I ought, perhaps, to make an exception of these-for, whilst I think it extremely probable they were all introduced by some Democrat into the country, I have no histori-cal data upon which to base the fact-I would not hazard the conjecture. (Laughter and applause) Now, Mr. Pres-ident, I understand-for my indisposition has been such that I am not able to attend this meeting regularly-I un-derstand that some doubts have been expressed in this Convention in regard to the success of the election on which we are about to enter. Sir, I am not one of those who ever despaired of success in a good cause. (Applause.) My de-liberate conviction is that if this State is canvassed as it can be canvassed, and as it ought to be canvassed, the elec-tion of our party is certain. (Applause.) Now, sir, why do I say so? I know it will be regarded as an extravagant opinion by Whigs and Democrats. Why do I say so? It is because I believe there is as much honesty and patriotism in the ranks of the Democracy, among the masses of the people, as there is among the masses of our party. (Ap-plause.) Whatever of corruption there is, is among the leaders, and not among the masses. I believe that they are as much devoted to the institutions of this country that they are as much concerned in wholesome legislation; that they are as much devoted to the interests of their families and the liberties of the country, as our own people. I believe that if you will go to any member of the Whig party and satisfy him that his house is on fire he will not hesitate to assist you in extinguishing the flames. I believe, on the other hand, that if you will approach a man of the other party, and prove by clear demonstration, and show to him that his house is in flames, he will be just as ready to preserve it as a man of our own party.
But sir, I do not speak it in a disparagement of the Demo-cratic party when I say that they are as profoundly ignor-ant of the true condition of this country as the people of Russia. They know as much in Russia of the state of this country as the Democracy of Virginia do. They know more of it in England, where I had the pleasure of meeting you, sir (addressing himself to the President, Wm. B. Pres-ton), a short time since. And why? They are not permit-ted to know it-the opportunity is not afforded them to know it. They have not the facilities; they are held from them. It has been the misfortune of this Common wealth that it has not been canvassed since 1844. And during the greater part of that time, and from that time to this, we have had fifteen Representatives in Congress who have abused their privileges, and instead of using that franking privilege for the occasional benefit of the entire communi-ty, they have flooded this State and the south with noth-ing but Democratic documents and speeches, never permit-ting their own people to have an opportunity of reading an Opposition speech or document; and if one of those has ever sent a Whig speech or a Whig document into the State, it has been, sir, to some gentlemen of the Opposition party whose opinions were not to be influenced by them, and whose opinions were already made up. Now, sir, I believe that if this State is properly canvassed, and the eyes of the people opened to the true condition of their house and the evils there in existing, they will be as ready in voting to correct them as our own people. And though I may be pardoned by this convention for stating in a very modest way my own opinion of another reason as to why we have not been successful before this, no man of our party doubts that the principles we advocate are right and just in themselves. The Democratic party themselves are beginning to acknowledge it, and this Government is about to be admin-istered upon Whig principles. (Applause.) The time will shortly arrive when nothing but Whig policy will be recog-nized in this Government; and we are indebted to exper-ience-we are indebted to the nerve and experience of the people for it, and not to our own exertion. The reason that we have not succeeded before in establishing the fixed principles upon which this Government ought to be administered, and which we have endeavored to force upon the public mind, has arisen from our timidity and our own cowardice. We have always had some tender footed gentlemen in our ranks-gentlemen who carry pins and nee-dles in their shoes, and who could not stand firmly upon the truth, for fear it would hurt them at home. Now, all we had to do, believing these great truths to be essential to our success, was to place ourselves upon them, and build a wall behind and a wall on either side, so as to leave no room for retreat and no means of escape save through the front door. (Applause.)
But what has been our policy? Always to leave a back door for retreat; and when you are whipped to-day, instead of renewing your energies for a fight to-morrow, you lay down your arms at discretion and get away through the back door. (Laughter.) Is it not true? It is not necessary for me to state that that has not been my policy. (Applause.) I take occasion to say that I do not deem it neces-sary to stand here to define my position. My position, I think, is too well known in this Common wealth to render it necessary for me again to define it. I have bared my head to the pitiless storm for years. I have wrapped my-self in the panoply of truth, which was more imperious than the skin of the rhinoceros, until every shaft has fallen harmless at my feet-until those who were ready to hurl their daggers at me have, in a lofty spirit of magnanimity and a just appreciation of my position acknowledged their error. (This allusion was made to Mr. Ridgway of the Whig.) And I stand this day redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled by the universal spirit of truth. (Loud applause.) Now, gentlemen, upon what principles are we going to conduct this State election? What are the issues that we are going to make? As my honorable friend the President told you yesterday, so I tell you now, this is the time for counsel and harmony. I came here to war upon no man’s opinions, but to express my own freely and coun-sel with this party. (Applause.) There are many older and many abler heads in this convention than mine. There are many younger and more inexperienced heads than mine. There are few, however, in this convention, of any age, who have had more experience in public life and more to do with the Democratic party that I have had. (Applause.) And there are not many anywhere that under-stand that party better than I do. (Laughter and applause.) There is a question which, as a matter of course, cannot be overlooked; and that it’s the position of the Democratic party upon the question of slavery. Now, gentlemen, I do not believe you are going to make a great deal out of that question. There is one feature in that question upon which you may make, and will make capital, if judicious-ly handled; and that is the readiness of Letcher to divide the Common wealth of Virginia, for the purpose of eman-cipating slaver in the western portion of the State. I do not think you will make much out of the other part of the question, for I do not believe the Democracy, as a body, care one copper cent about it. They have used it only as a football for party purposes. (Laughter.) They have shown their readiness, upon all occasions and at all times, to sac-rifice the best interests of the South in order to perpetuate their own power.
Why, sir, what are you to expect, when, with my own ears, in this building, I heard a gentlemen occupying a prominent position in the Democratic party, on this very platform, denounce John Letcher as being untrue to the South, unfaithful to Democracy, unsound upon the slavery question, deficient in moral integrity, wanting in mental capacity; and yet in the same breath he acknowledged he would still vote for him if nominated. (Applause.) My friend, Mr. Alexander Rives, who acted as your temporary chairman on yesterday, and who made a forcible speech, as you all know, said one thing in which I do not concur with him, and that was, that he gave all due credit to the Democracy for the intentions upon this subject-which I do not, sir. (Laughter.) I do not believe it, sir, and I will not say it in any spirit of courtesy or any other spirit. I believe they care nothing in the world about it. I have never known an opportunity for them to make capital out of it that they did not avail themselves of it. When the large slaveholding interests of the country had said that agitation should cease upon the subject, I find that agitat-tion was continually kept up by men who never owned a slave, and who had no interest in the institution, and never expected to have, while those I heard are the persons who made the most fuss about it. The large slaveholding in-terests deprecate agitation upon this subject, for the reason that they believed it to be detrimental to the slavery insti-tution. We have seen that these agitators built up the Black Republican party from the first, and produced all the difficulties that have been created upon the question, when it was supposed it was settled and never would be heard of again. This division of the State-this destruct-tion of the ancient Commonwealth of Virginia, as advoca-ted by Letcher, was a natural sequence of this everlasting agitation. But if I was to canvass this State, sir, the first thing that I should do would be to bring my friend-for he is a personal friend that I highly esteem—I have no re-spect for any of the Democracy politically-sir, I would not trust one of them as far as I could throw my old friend, and personally I have a high respect for many of them. The first thing that I would do, would be to bring my friend Letcher up to what is called the bull-ring; and I would require him to say emphatically and categorically whe her he endorsed or repudiated the administration and the recommendations of the President, he would be compelled necessarily to repudiate the convention that en-dorsed him, for they have unanimously endorsed the ad-ministration.
A Voice-They endorse Douglas’s election.
Mr. Botts-They originally endorsed Douglas, and they endorsed Buchanan-two opposite extremes-just as they are in the habit of fixing the different planks in the plat-form to suit all parties. But they took the back track in the Douglas endorsement. If Mr. Letcher repudiated the Administration he would repudiate the convention that endorsed him. If on the other hand he endorsed the Ad-ministration, I would have him just in that peculiar fix that I would prefer to have him (laughter), and then I would take up the President’s annual message to Congress, and I would endeavor to show in what condit on the count-ry was placed by Democratic misrule and corruption. I would first take up our foreign relations, and would show, that according to the representations of Mr. Buchanan, this country was at this time involved in no less than nine difficulties with foreign Powers. The least mismanagement or indication upon the part of our executive upon any one of these will inevitably involve us, not only in war, but in war with the whole civilized world. I would show, accor-ding to that message, that we were involved in trouble with England, and, as a matter of course, France, as her ally; Spain, Mexico, Costa Rica, Guatemala, New Granada, Nicaragua, and Paraguay. The object of anyone of these difficulties would puzzle a Philadelphia lawyer to find out, unless he was a politician, and unless he knew the Demo-cratic party as well as I know them, and as well as you ought to know them. (Laughter and cheers). We are involved in difficulties with nine different powers, the cause for which I may presently, if I have time, advert to. And how does the President propose to settle all these difficul-ties? I will venture to say, sir, that in the worst anticipa-tions of the worst enemies of Democracy that could be found in the United States, not one of them has ever yet dreamed that such propositions could ever in our day be submitted to the consideration fo an American Congress. He proposes that all the guarantees of the Constitution, and all the barriers of the Constitution, should be broken down, that Congress shall divest itself of the war making power conterred upon hem by the Constitution of the United States, and to place it in the hands of the Pres-ident himself; and not daring himself to connect it with the other proposition, he has left it to his organ, the Union, to publish under his own eye, and subject to his own control and direction, to say that Congress should make an appro-priation of twenty millions of dollars.
A Voice-Thirty millions.
Mr. Botts-No, sir, twenty millions-to do what? Of course the army and navy of the United States are of no use to him without money to support them-to do what? To make war to protect the distant routes of Tehuantepec, Panama, and Nicaragua, and also to establish a protector-ate in Mexico-which is war itself-such a protectora e as the Emperor Nicholas proposes to establish for the provin-ces of Wallachia and Moldavia, which led to the war be-tween France and England on the one side and Russia on the other. And his next proposition is that Congress shall also divest itself of the treat-making power, and transfer it to the President, with an appropriation of thirty millions of dollars. I know he is too modest a gentleman to ask such an appropriation; but his friend S idell comes in and proposes this amount of appropriation. The Union an-swers his purpose in one case, and his confidential friend Slidell in the other. This latter proposition, through the tools of the Administration, is successfully carried in com-mittee and favorably reported on to the Senate-and for what? He says for the purchase of Cuba. He wants to make this advance for the purchase, though he knows he can make no advance either to the ministry or sovereign. It was said that this amount was intended to bribe the Spanish Ministry; but there is no truth in that. He asked for the thirty millions to negotiate for the purchase of Cu-ba, and that he may have that thirty millions to advance the Spanish government upon the signing of the treaty.-It should be submitted afterward to the Senate of the Uni-ted States, the treaty making power, in conjunction with the President, either to be ratified or rejected; and in the event of its rejection, the thirty millions would be thrown to the dogs or to the Spanish Ministry. This would be rather extravagant in the present exhausted condition of the treasury. (Applause) Any one who will critically read that message of the President of the United States will see his object. Let them read those passages in the message which relate to the question of Cuba, in which he says that the government of the United states could not, and would not acquire Cuba by any other means than by honorable negotiatiyn; and yet he does not finish that paragraph of his message before he introduces the doctrine of the Ostend manifesto, in which he tells you that circumstances may arise which would render it indispensable to our own safety that it should be acquired by some other means-fair means, if you can, but by foul means if you must; and in the next succeeding paragraph-read it, sir, and you will find that you have good reason to conclude that this opinion of Buchanan is just about this-to rob when it would be proper to steal it. (Laughter.)
Now, gentlemen, all this has nothing to do with the pur-chase of Cuba. That is not the object. This Democratic party is always pregnant with issues, and fruitful inexpe-dients. The slave question is worn out; the Whigs of the South have come to their senses; they can be no longer humbugged; we can be no longer induced to lend our aid to the Democratic party to perpetuate their power upon the subject of slavery. New issues must be started under the idea that we are involved in war, and that the people of the United States will not deem it prudent to change the administration of this government. You are told that Mr. Buchanan is not a candidate for the renomination and election. Well, his authority is better than mine, but I say he is. Our friend, Captain Tyler, was not a candidate for renomination. He was the author of the first senti-ments ever started in this country of the one term princi-ple. Look back to the records and see if he was not a can-didate. Polk was not a candidate for re-election, though he would have been glad to get it. Pierce went in and pledged himself not to be a candidate, but you all remem-ber how he worked for it, and how his friends interested themselves for him. Buchanan is not a candidate, while he is seeking to involve us in war, in order to raise a new issue upon which to ride again into the Presidency. I re-cieved information long since in Europe, from a personal friend, that he made up his mind, when he changed his course upon the Kansas question, to run for re-election. Look at his proposition. Do not let it pass in at one ear and out through another. Allow it a place to lodge upon your minds for a little while. Look at the proposition-a proposition that the army and navy of the United States shall be subjected to the control of the President; that the treaty making power shall be subjected to his discretion, with an appropriation of fifty millions of dollars to carry out his views. That concedes the control of the army and the navy, and the purse-strings of the nation. Now, I beg to know what power Santa Anna, as dictator of Mexico, exercised? And I beg to know what power is left for Louis Napoleon, of France, to exercise beyond that of having the control of the army and navy of France, and of the treasury of the empire? What is there left of our consti-tution worth preserving? For my own part-and I wish you to understand I am expressing no opinion in regard to the question of Cuba-I believe it would be a very desira-ble thing if we could obtain Cuba by fair and honorable means, which I see no prospect of at the present time. I believe it would be a desirable thing as a point of de-fence of our Southern coast and the Gulf of Mexico, if it could be procured by honorable means, and without break-ing down the constitution of the United States. (Applause.)
But I would not trust such power in the hands of any mortal man that ever has lived, or ever will live. (Ap-plause) I would not be instrumental in establishing such a precedent for then thousand times ten thousand the value of Cuba. (Applause) Yet there is a proposition. Where is this great national Democratic party in the meantime-the only national party that can save this Union and Pre-serve the Constitution of the United States? Why, so far as any action has been taken upon it, it has throughout been in favor of the proposition. The committees in both houses have reported in favor of it. Are you prepared to surrender the constitution and the war and treaty making power into the hands of this Democratic chief? I shall not have time to dwell any longer upon this question of for-eign relations. I trust I have said enough to set you all reflecting. Let every man reflect upon it. Let him take it home with him and study it upon his pillow at night, and determine whether the interests of this country are in any danger in the hands of the Democracy or not. [Ap-plause.] How is it in our domestic relations? Are we anything better off? What is the condition to which we have been reduced by this misrule of Democ-racy in regard to our domestic relations? We have seen the country involved first by a war-a civil war with Utah-a Mormon war, which has been most shamefully and most disgracefully compromi ed-aye, sir, shamefully and disgracefully compromised-when that traitor’s head should have paid the forfeit of his rebellion. A man who dared to bring his Mormon troops in opposition to the American troops-the troops of the United States, sent there by the President-cutting off immense numbers of our wagon trains and provisions for our troops-was disgracefully compromised, when the traitor’s head should have paid the forfeit of rebellion. And you have nothing to expect but a renewal of hos-tilities as soon as our troops are removed from the scene of action. I doubt if they have not broken out already. We see “Southern leagues” established here in the South, too, for the purpose of bringing about a disso-lution of this Union-which, in the legal definition of the term, as expounded by Judge Marshall, is a conspiracy to levy war against the United States-and no notice taken of it by those into whose hands we have deposited thus Union for safe keeping and preservation. We have seen the country distracted by civil dissentions, angry animosities springing up between North and South, threatening the disturbance of our harmony-aye, sir, and threatening the independence of the government-all brought about by the desire of the Democratic party to present some new issue, as they did in the canvass of 1855, in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, by which they have sacrificed the best interests of the South, and all the property of the South north of the 36 deg. 30 min. We see commerce crippled; trade paralyzed, vessels rotting at your wharves for want of employment; labor dull; industry crippled, your treas-ury bankrupt; lawless men taking possession of the gov-ernment, and defying all laws and all officers of the law.
And this is what the Democratic party universally pro-claimed to be a state of unparalleled prosperity with not a dollar in the public treasury, with an expenditure amount-ing to about two and a half per cent over and above your receipts. There are governments for large areas of territo-ry; needs which constitute great banking institutions, without checks or balances, with a circulation of thirty millions, and that constantly increasing. And this is what we are told is a state of unparalleled prosperity. There is one member of the Democratic party (I should do no in-justice to any of them) who has seen the error of his way, and who has renounced his heresies and paid a great trib-ute to the sagacity and wisdom of his political opponent. Now, who do you imagine that to be? Of course, you all know the head and chief of the Democratic party, Mr. Buchanan himself, who recommends now what we have been recommending for the last twenty-five years-a substitution of specific for ad valorem duties, the labor of this country will reap the advantages, those incidental ad-vantages to which it has been always entitled. That is just what we have been trying to impress upon the public mind; that has been the chief bone of contention between the two parties for the last twenty-two years (Applause.) And now we have high Democratic authority for it. But then comes on a difficulty-and a very extraordinary and inex-plicable difficulty-and that is, that while the President of the United States recommends the Whig policy his Secre-tary of the Treasury, who owes his office to the President, recommends the opposite policy. Now, it must strike every observing and reflecting man as a very curious spectacle, that the President of the United States, upon whom the responsibility rests for a faithful execution of the law, and nor the preservation and protection of all the rights of the people inherent, incidental or defined, should permit a gentleman to occupy a seat in his Cabinet by his own appointment who will do all in his power, who will throw the influence and patronage of his office in opposi-tion to the views and purposes that he has recommended. It will likewise strike everyone as being a little strange that Mr. Cobb, my personal friend-out I am not dealing with personal friends now-that he should permit himself to occupy the position of throwing himself across the path of the President, and of exerting whatever influence may attach to his office to perpetuate these false and fraudulent invoices-to encourage this robbery of the public money, and deprive the citizens of these rights to which they al-ways have been entitled. (Applause.) Well, there is some secret about this. It is impossible that any man upon the face of the earth, of any party, could say that all is honest and fair is this, Now, what is the secret? Why, gentle-men they are both Democratic politicians. They both belong to that great imposition party of the United States. (Applause and laughter.)
And I beg leave here to say that this is the ground upon which I want this contest here and in 1860 to be carried on by the opposition against the imposition party. There will be but two parties in 1860, and one will be the opposition and the other the imposition party. (Laughter.) Both these gentlemen (referring to Buchanan and Cobb) are Democratic politicians, and both belong to that party. It is just one of the tricks of that party-just such tricks as they play when they are making a platform upon which a Presidential election is to be conducted, with a plank here to suit the South, a plank there to suit the North, and one in another place to suit the West, and then one gen-eral plank to suit the whole. (Laughter and applause.) This is the game they are playing-Mr. Cobb, you tickle the South under the ad valorem rib, and, Buck, you tickle Pennsylvania and the North under the specific rib, and thus afford an opportunity to all friends North and South to defend the Democratic party. (Laughter and applause.) Why, do you not find all the Southern papers swearing by Cobb and all the Northern papers searing by Buchanan? It is one of the tricks of party to cheat the people. Their right hand will forge their own cunning when ever they fail to cheat the people by their tricks. But I don’t think the game will prove successful. They cannot divide the responsibility. It rests upon the head of the govern-ment and we should hold the party, and the whole party responsible for the acts of this chief that they have imposed upon the country, who has the power to control, and who does not see that this robbery upon the public treasury is arrested, and that the rights of his own citizens are sacred. (Applause.) He has no alte native. He must meet either the responsibility of these tricks and impositions, or he must require his Secretary to unite with him in correcting the wrong. By the combined force of a united Cabinet there might be some probability of carrying out the views of the President. Unless united, it must appear that there were no fat offices to be distributed. I don’t know that it will do good now. If the President made the recommend-ation before his Cabinet offices were all filled, and before his missions were filled, and when he had four years of patronage in the hollow of his hand, he might have done some good. But now that these offices are all filled I don’t know that it will produce any good result. (Applause.) Still, we must hold Buchanan to the responsibility, and hold the Democratic party, as endorsers of his views, to the responsibility of permitting a violation of the law, fraudulent invoices to be introduced, the public money extracted, and an important class of our citizens to be de-prived of the advantages to which they are entitled. (Ap-plause.) Now, gentlemen, we hear a great deal from this Democratic party about State rights, which, in my opinion has come down to nothing more nor less than a party of State wrongs. (Laughter.)
And I undertake to prove that they either don’t know anything about the rights of the States, or care nothing about them. It will shock the sensibilities of these gen-tlemen for me to tell them that I was a States rights man; and yet I defy them one and all, to point to a sentiment that I ever uttered, to a line I ever wrote, which sanctioned in the remotest degree a sacrifice of any of the rights of the States. (Applause.) I am a State rights man, but not in their sense of the term. The truth is, that in my reading and experience I have known very few instances in which there has been an attempt to encroach upon the rights of the States. I think myself that the instances are much more numerous in which the States have attempted to encroach upon the rights of the General Government-as, for example, where Southern leagues are established for the purpose of intimidating the government, or forcing a system of legislation upon the country that is acceptable to them, and them only. But there are some in-stance in which I think the rights of the States have been invaded, and I will enumerate one or two. They are of recent origin, and the first I shall advert to is the constitu-tion of Kansas known as the Lecompton constitution, in which the doctrine was recommended by the President, which the doctrine was recommended by the President, and attempted to be established, that it was in the power of the law-making power of the United States in the Cong-ress of the United States, with the President, to force one of the Territories of the United States into the Union as a State, with a constitution that had never been sub-mitted to the people, avowedly upon the ground that if submitted it would have been rejected, and against which seven-tenths of the people of Kansas were at that time re-moostrating and protesting-a doctrine that struck at the root and foundation of the principles of the Revolution-a doctrine which struck, too, at the root and foundation of the right and capacity of the people for self-government-a doctrine that struck the most fatal blow, if successful, at popular sovereignty, that ever has been aimed or directed against it-a doctrine that was the most anti-democratic, the most anti-States rights, the most anti-Republican, the most anti-common sense, the most anti-common honesty, that ever was propounded to the people of the United States. I say it because I think it-I say it anywhere-the people of Kansas are of us. They have the same rights, when they come to make their constitution for admission into the Union or the Utates, that we have. Then their rights begin, and they have the same right to make their own constitution that the people of Virginia have. (Applause.) No sectional interests, no subserviency to part/prejudice shall ever induce me to surrender a great principle of the Constitution. (Applause.) I am not one of those who are controlled by popular prejudice and error. If I think popular opinion is in error or con-trolled by prejudice, I will endeavor to correct it as far as my humble means will go. (Applause.)
Well, where stands this Democratic States’ Rights Repub-lican party? It is a subject to be borne in mind, and never to be forgotten, that the only party in this country that could be found to sustain such a doctrine was the Demo-cratic party; and that portion of the party claiming par excellence to be the States’ Rights wing of that party gave it most earnest and hearty support. Where was that Democratic party that is always so loud-mouthed in speak-ing of the rights and the sovereignty of the States, and the sovereignty and equality of the people. There was not one among them from all the South who had the independence, the consistency, and the honesty to vote against it; and I venture to say that removed from the trammels of party dictation, there was not one, from first to last, whose pop-ularity and standing would have been sufficient to have enabled him to have occupied a seat with those who would have been tested before the people. But I is the inexora-ble rule of party which makes everybody yield to party power and party success. I thank my God that the doc-trine did not prevail. (Applause) I thank God that the people resolved to be free, and to claim and execute the right of making a constitution for themselves, uninfluenced by bribery on the one hand or threats on the other, held out to them by the Democratic Republican States’ Rights party. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I had but just returned from Europe at the time that this question was raging with its greatest violence-I had butted my head up against so many brick walls, and had it so confoundedly bruised, that I was determined to do my own thinking, and let everybody else do theirs; otherwise I would have had something to say upon the question. It required a great deal of virtue to persuade myself to keep out of the fray; but I resolved to do it. But I made up my mind to this that if the power of the President of the United States had become so omnipotent and overwhelming, or the people and become so degenerate and debased, and so indifferent to their own rights-to their rights of self-government-that there was no despotism in the old world under which I would not sooner have lived than the iron despotism of Democracy. (Applause.) I have nothing to say about the Lecompton constitution or the Topeka constitution, good or bad. I speak only to the principle of the people being permitted to form their own constitution, uninfluenced by executive dictation or executive power. (Applause) But I saw no States’ Rights party coming to their aid. Well, there was another instance in which State rights, I thought, were somewhat infringed, and popular rights too. After every Democratic Southern member of Congress has voted for the admission of Kansas as a State into the Union upon this constitution, against which seven-tenths of the people were protesting, and against which they have since voted-after every Democratic member from the South has voted for the admission of Kansas under that constitution, we see it now recommended the President that one rule should be adopted for the admission of Kansas, which is Black Republican, and another very different rule for the admission of Oregon, which is a Democratic State.
He recommended that Oregon may come in when no census has been taken, and when the probability is that the population has not reached twenty thousand, while Kansas, with a population of probably seventy thousand or eighty thousand, is excluded from admission. He now has the unblushing effrontery to propose that Kansas shall be obliged to wait until she has ninety-three thousand or ninety-four thousand, while Democratic Oregon, that can give a little Democratic aid to the party in 1869, shall be permitted to come in with twenty thousand population. Is that Democratic? Is that justice? Is that honesty? Is that constitutional law? Is that what our fathers fought for, and what we are prepared to fight for if necessary? Is that the way the President proposes to harmonize the animosities existing between parties, and still this negro question? No, but it it’s the way to keep it alive. It is the way to unite the whole South upon the question of slavery and humbug us Whigs again, and to sacrifice the best in-terests of the whole South-slavery and all-to the per-petuation of political power. (Applause.) Look again, I beseech you, at one other recommendation of the Pres-ident. The president, in tracing the monetary difficulties of the world, which I shall not undertake to trace here, because I have done it in anther quarter-and I hope that every member of this convention will have an opprotuni-ty of seeing it-but the President, in tracing the financial difficulties of 1857, under which the country labored, has undertaken to ascribe it to the extraordinary expansion of the banks. In the first place, I deny that there was any such expansion, that it would produce any such result. I cannot go into the question, but I will go into the President’s remedy for it. Why, he proposes that Congress shall pass a bankrupt law, to be applied to the corporations of the States. Now sir, in our own State there is not a really organized, chartered banking corporation-I don’t speak of the free banks, but of the regularly organized banking and chartered corporations of the State-here is not one in which the State herself is not a large stockholder. The power has always been denied by the Democratic party to the Federal Government to incorporate or charter these institutions; but the power has always been conceded to the State governments to incorporate them. Was such a pretext ever heard of before to be in constitutional organic law? The power was given to one government to create, and to another government to destroy. I believe it has been universally held, by all State rights men at least, that when ever power was not ceded by the States to the Gen-eral Government it was reserved and thrown into the leg-islation of the states, who are as separate and independ-ent of each other and of the General Government as they are of foreign governments; from which I infer that in any enactment of the Legislature of our own State, it is just as subject to the control of the British or Russian government as it is to the government of the United States, for all legal purposes and all practical results for which the State of Virginia incorporated her banking institutions, and be-came interested as a stockholder.
A great financial tremor came on the country, and the banks found it necessary, in order to protect themselves, the suspend specie payment, and they appeal to the Legisla-ture to legalise this suspension. The State does legalize the suspension. Then in comes your Buchanan bankrupt law to force them into liquidation and then into bankruptcy. Here is a contest between the power of the general govern-ment and the power of the State. We all know that it is expressly provided in the Constitution that the Constitu-tion, and all laws made in pursuance of it, shall be the su-preme law of the land, any State constitution or State law to the contrary notwithstanding. But mark you, that the federal government, claims the power of incorporating themselves, when they have conceded it already to the State governments. Then comes this conflict between the State and federal governments. What is to be the issue? Civil war, as a matter of course. Where is the State rights party-that party that claims for themselves that they are the only constitutional party-the only State rights party that can preserve the institutions of the States and of the South especially: These are three remarkable instances of the innovation of the States rights party that have recent-ly occurred; and if the Democratic party do not adopt the recommendations of the President, it is only because his present of term of service is about to close, and his influence is gone. (Laughter and cheers). Now, gentlemen, I do not mean to charge that this proceeds from corruption on the part of the leaders, because I believe there are many of them sound hearted and sound headed. It is the charac-ter of their political organization that leads to it. It has taken up years to build it; but as it is, it is the most practi-cal, compact, hypocritical, except the Jesuits, that ever existed in any country; it is a party organization chiefly and mainly upon the one great principle, which every man is required to subscribe to, or be excluded from all the fleshpots, which is the highest punishment know to their code-(laughter and applause)-and that principle is, that everything, human and divine, is to yield to the success of party and participation on power. Neither the per-petuity of the Union, the preservation of Constitution, the peace of the country, the prosperity of the nation, the purity of the bench, nor the sancity of the church are permitted to break through the serried ranks of this Demo-cratic organization. (Laughter and applause). This is the one inexorable rule; and it is just as much a part of the policy of the Democratic party to make laws in conformity with it, and secure the education of the youth of this coun-try in their doctrines, as it is a part of the rule of the Catholic Church to rule all Catholics by the exclusion of the Bible from the schools. (Applause).
That is the rule of the party, based upon no principle, and having no manly incentive to actuate it. I am no ad-mirer of Mr. John C. Calhoun II was a bright and erraric genius, always wanting in that great element of great-ness, practical common sense. I am no admirer of his theories; but I must co him the credit to say that he un-derstood the party as thoroughly as any other man in the United States. He was present at its organization, a sis-ted at its birth, and never was a more profound truth utter-ed by man than he had uttered in reference to his party-that it was “held together only by the cohesive power of the public plunder.” (Applause.) Just imagine if Henry Clay, whose relations to the Whig party were more con-stant by far, but not more close than those of Calhoun to the Democratic party, had said that of his part,-suppose Mr. Clay had said, as a warning to his countrymen. “I know that party; I was present at its organization , and as-sisted at its birth; I have raised it up from its infancy to its manhood; but it has become corrupt; it looks not to the peace of the country, the harmony of sections, the perpet-uation of the Union; the only thing that holds it together is the cohesive power of public plunder”-what effect would it have upon our minds? Can any man measure the extent of the influence that would have been produced upon the minds of the honest portion of the Whigs of the Union? What effect has it had upon the Democratic ene-my? Only to make them more tenacious and more grasp-ing of plunder. They reason thus, that the man who gets the most is the smartest fellow. (Laughter.) Why, look at our condition in other respects. Look at the fi ibuster-ing expeditions that are fitting out all over the country-finbustering they are polit ly called, but I call them pirat-ical expeditions. (Applause.) How does it happen that one man in this nation can set the government of the Uni-ted States and the laws of the United States at defiance? How does it happen the Gen. Wm. Walker, with the pro-clamation of the President of the United States issued to every part of the country, can, in defiance of law and of all its officers, get up an expedition, set sail, or rather be-fore he set sail, when he got up his first expedition in New Orleans, when it was perfectly understood by every man that it was upon a lawless course, bent upon depredating upon the property of neighbors with whom we are at peace, and when he was arrested, brought before Judge Camp-bell, and held to bail for future trail in the sum of $2,000 which was promptly paid by sympathizing friends and then discharged-how does it happen, I say, that he is suf-fered to go on board a ship and set sail for Nicaragua?
Orders are issued to arrest him and prevent his landing, he escapes the vigilance of the American squadron and ef-fects a landing, and in the spirit of his instructions, if not in letter (it was no more a violation of territory of Nicaragua to arrest him on her soil than on her water), Commodore Paulding arrests him; and when he is arrested and brought home-the President of the United States having in the meantime, rebuked Judge Campbell for the insufficiency of the bail-he is given over to Marshal Ryn-ders who brings him to Washington and surrenders him. But the President informs him, through his Secretary of State, that he has nothing to do with General Walker’s affairs, and he is not only turned loose without bail, to go down to Mo-blie, and set out on another piratical cruise. And there he evades the law and goes off on another expedition against Nicaragua, in which he is only arrested by the ca-lamites of the sea-by the interposition of Divine Provi-dence, who, to some extent, preserved the honor of this country and the peace of the nation. And ye such a gov-ernment as this recommends to Congress to give him the power to establish a protectorate in Mexico, upon the ground that there is no power in the Mexican government to restrain its own lawless citizens from depredations upon ur property. We may expect to have that chalice re-turned to our own lips; and upon the same principle I beg to know why other Powers-the English and French, for in-stance-may not propose to establish a protectorate over our own Southern borders, upon the ground that there is nei-ther the power nor the will to restrain our own lawless cit-izens and prevent them from committing depreda-tions upon our neighbors? (Applause.) Now, gen-tleman, there is a cause for all these sins, as I have described them. They are not the results of accident or chance. There are causes for them, and what are they? Why, in my humble judgment they proceed, in the first place, from the disorganization of society result-ing in too rapid introduction of foreign element into our population before they can comprehend the character of our institutions and before they acquire an interest in them. In the second place, they arise from the examples set them in high places, and a failure upon the part of pub-lic officers to see that the laws are faithfully executed; and thirdly they arise from the policy of the Democratic party, which, instead of giving protection to American industry and labor, make it no part of the duty of the government to take care of the labor and industry of the country which constitutes the property of the nation, while they court and caress fags and rowdyism wherever it can be found that it can control the popular elections. (Applause.)
I will not go into that question of protection which I am told was gone into very ably by Mr. Scott last night I will go into that very fully in the speech I shall make in New York and I will not now trespass upon your time. But these things must be corrected. The Democratic party everything it has touch d and handled in our national and State governments. (Applause,) From the time of its first organization it has been productive of nothing but mischief to the country from beginning to end. It has not, as they boast, enlarged the territory of the country, but they have enlarged it without taking care of what they had before. They have included all the original and acquired territory, and it is necessary that a correction should be made. Well, now, how is this to be done? In my humble opinion it is enough to excite the suspicions and the distrust of every honest, intelligent, and patriotic man in the country, of all parties, to reflect upon the fact, that in the rands of that party alone are to be found those lawless men and these disunionists. (Applause.) Did any man ever hear of a member of the Whig party being a disunionist or fillibus-ter? No, sir. The moment he avows that wild heresy he walks straight out of the Opposition party into the rands of imposition party, where he can find aid and comfort and sympathy. (Applause.)
And yet there are not a few of these who have dared to calculate the value of this great Union-for, permit me to say to you, gentlemen, I have never dared to enter into such a calculation myself. I have been admonished “that fools rush in where angels fear to tread;” and I have never ventured to calculate the value of this great Union of the American States by any consideration of sectional interest or of personal aggrandizement. “Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof.” But it ought to be enough for every reflecting and patriotic mind to know that our party holds no such heresies. We recognize no disunionists nor filibus-ters in our ranks. They know it, and they don’t wait for expulsion. They walk straight out [applause], as I said just now, from the ranks of the opposition to the ranks of the imposition party. [Applause.] This being the condi-tion of our country, gentlemen, I think it becomes us to take counsel to determine in what way we can get rid of the Democracy. And, by the by, I have done in reference to this speech which I am to deliver in New York what I never did or attempted before-determined that there should be no misrepresentation of my opinions; regarding the occasion as one of too much importance to subject my-self to the probabilities of being misrepresented or mis-reported, I have done what I never attempted before-I have written out my speech, so that I will report it for myself. I never put a pen to paper before in reference to any speech I have made, but I have done it in regard to the speech I am to deliver in New York, that my position may be distinctly understood. I have brought with me a few pages expressive of my views upon this subject, which I beg leave to read to this convention. [Mr. Botts here read from these pages. They contained his views of the position which the Whig party here should occupy toward the Black Republican party. He was unwilling that a co-alition should take place upon the platform of the Black Republicans, but was perfectly willing that they should aid the Whigs in the election of some Southern man upon a liberal platform.]
Now, gentlemen, it is very manifest that no coalition can be formed between the Black Republican and the American and Whig parties upon any Northern candidate. They can nominate no man in the North without putting him essentially upon a Republican platform and no man’s and-ing upon that platform can get the conservative elements of the North to say nothing of the South. The American and Whig parties of the North will vote for no man who stands upon a Black Republican platform. Therefore, to run a Northern man must inevitable lead to a sectional is-sue, which secures the success of the Democratic party. Suppose that party who are quite as sagacious as we are, should select a Southern man in whom you have confi-dence; suppose they should select Crittenden, or Bell, or Bates of Missouri, in all of whom we have confidence, is there a man here who would object to the aid of the Republican party to overthrow the Democratic party? I know there are some who use a phrase that I often hear, and it is this: When they “go a catting they go a catting;” and when they catch a cat they throw him away. That is not my rule. When I go a catting I go; and when I catch a cat I put him in the bag. (Laugh-ter.) It seems to me that the man who would eject the aid of the Republican party in electing a man of his own party, in whom he himself had confidence, would be upon the principle of bol ing the nomination of Mr. Goggin, because a portion of the Democracy may be disposed to support him. Now, I will be very thankful to every Dem-ocrat in the State who will help me to elect Mr. Goggin. I will not only receive his vote, but thank him for it. Can we succeed without it? Can anybody believe that we can triumph if every Democrat stands firm and votes for Letcher? Can any man expect to triumph without the aid of the Democracy? That is out of the question; and if anything, I regard the Democracy as worse than the Re-publican party, and its aid more objectionable. (Applause.)
What has the Republican party or any party at the North ever done that would give as much encouragement to the Abolitionists of the North as to be told continually to the Abolitionists of the North as to be told continually that every man that we put up for office is an Abolitionist? As you said, sir, Clay was an Abolitionist. Taylor was an Abolitionist. Scott was an Abolitionist. You were an Ab-olitionist. You were an Ab-olitionist. I am one of the worst dye. (Laughter.) Have we ever put a man yet before the people upon whom they did not charge Abolitioni m? This policy has done more to build up the Abolitionists of the North than any other influence I know of. I say, then, that the Democracy are worse in my estimation, in every respect, than the Repub-lican party; and yet, we know they are they are welcome to come in and vote for u ; they are welcome to vote for me if I am ever a candidate, which is very improbable. If I am, I wish Democrats and Repubicans to know that I am not proud; they can all vote for me. (Laughter.) And I shall stand where I stood from the beginning, upon the same platform that I occupied in 1822-32-36-40-14-48-52 and 56-in opposition to Democracy. (Applause.)
It has not been very long ago since a gentleman some what prominent in the ranks of the Democracy, whom I met on the street, said to me, “Mr. Botts, I have a question to propound to you, if you have no objection?” Certainly not, sir. “I want to know,” said he, “if you are in favor of a coalition with the Black Republican party in the election of 1860?” My good friend, said I, I don’t wish you to misunderstand me; I wish to say that if there was a State in this Union composed of free negroes, and the constitu-tion gave them to the right to vote, I would be much obliged to them to help me to elect our party. (Laughter and ap-plause.) I put the question to him which I propounded a while ago in your hearing, from the remarks which I read. if he would not gladly receive any aid to rescue the ship on fire. Would you , said I , not do it? “No, sir,” said he, “I would rather be beaten than receive and from that quarter.” I am not in the habit of telling anecdotes but I will tell you one that occurred under my eye in Henrico, about twenty years ago. I recollect being at an election where there were four or five candidates running for a seat in the House of Delegates. Among them was a gentleman named Reuben Burton, who has many connections in this city. The sun was just going down, and it was a tie vote between Reuben Burton and another candidate named Sel-den. It was known distinctly that the sheriff would give the casting vote to Burton’s competitor.
Just about the time that the Sheriff went again out to proclaim for the last time that any voters who were about to cast their votes should do so at once, as the polis were about to close, a man named Bill Mann threw himself from his horse and rushed to the polls. He was a bitter oppo-nent of Reuben’s; and when Reuben saw him coming he said, “Here comes another damn rascal to vote against me-I wish it to be understood that if that man voted for me I would have it scratched off the polls; I don’t think any man should take a seat in the Legislature who would be elected by that man’s vote.” “I have a mind to try it,” said Bill. The Sheriff asked, “How do you vote, Mr. Mann?” Mann said, “Well, Sir, I vote for Seldon and Burton.” “Thank you, Mr. Mann,” said Reuben; “I am much obliged to you; it is a piece of liberality that I did not expect at your hands.” “No,” said Mann, “you shall not have it, sir-I insist that you keep your word and strike it off the polls.” “I would do it with the greatest pleasure if the law would allow it, Mr. Mann. When a vote is once recorded, there is no power on earth that can strike it out. Sheriff, close the polls.” The polls were closed and Reuben was elected. [Laughter.] And just so with the Democratic party. They would not touch the Republican party with a pole fifty feet long; but let their votes be once recorded and they would say “Thank you, Mr. So-and-so.” Now, I say to the Republican party, if they will set aside all sectional issues, and come to our aid, and assist us in electing a sound, conservative, Union-lov-ing Whig, as they are obliged to do, if they come South, I will say to them, in the language of Mr. Burton, “I am very much obliged to you, gentlemen.”
Mr. Botts took his seat amid loud applause.
